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74 . 4 

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J3SNEAI.OGY COt-LECTlON 



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in 2013 



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COLLECTIONS 



OF THE 



MASSACHUSETTS 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



VOL. III. 
OF THE FOURTH SERIES. 



PUBLISHED AT THE CHARGE OF THE APPLETON FUND. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED FOR THE SOCIETY, 

By LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. 

1856. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by 

THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



CAMBRIDGE: 
METCALF AND COMPANY, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. 



CONTENTS. 

1169691 

Page 
Officers of the Massachusetts Historical Society, elected April 

12, 1855 iv 

Resident Members, in the Order of their Election ... v 

Corresponding Members, in the Order of their Election . . vi 



Memoir of Samuel Appleton ...... vii 



BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 

Editorial Preface iii 

Book First 1 

Book Second 89 

Appendix. 

No. I. Passengers of the Mayflower 447 

No. II. Commission for Regulating Plantations . . . 456 

No. III. Verses in Memory of Mrs. Alice Bradford . . 460 

Index . 463 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

ELECTED APRIL 12, 1855. 



President 
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D., of Boston. 

Recording Secretary. 
Joseph Willard, Esq., A.M., of Boston. 

Corresponding Secretary. 
Rev. William P. Lunt, D.D., of Quincy. 

Librarian. 
Rev. Samuel It. Lothrop, D.D., of Boston. 

Treasurer. 
Hon. Richard Frothingham, Jr., of Charlestown. 

Cabinet-Keeper. 
Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, M.D., of Boston. 

Standing Committee. 

Charles Deane, Esq., of Cambridge. 
Rev. Lucius R. Paige, A.M., " 

Rev. Chandler Robbins, A.M., of Boston. 
Hon. John C. Gray, A.M., " 

William Brigham, Esq., A.B., " 






Committee of Publication for the Present Volume. 

Charles Deane. Lucius R. Paige. 

William P. Lunt. Ellis Ames. 



RESIDENT MEMBERS, 



IN THE ORDER OF THEIR ELECTION 



Hon. Josiah Quincy, LL.D, 

Hon. James Savage, LL.D. 

Hon. Francis C. Gray, LL.D. 

Hon. Nathan Hale, LL.D. 

Hon. Edward Everett, LL.D. 

Rev. William Jenks, D.D. 

Jared Sparks, LL.D. 

Joseph E. Worcester, LL.D. 

Joseph Willard, A.M. 

Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. 

Rev. Joseph B. Felt, A.M. 

Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL.D. 

Rev. Convers Francis, D.D. 

George Ticknor, LL.D. 

Hon. Nathan Appleton, LL.D. 

Hon. Rufus Choate, LL.D. 

Hon. John G. King, A.M. 

Hon. Daniel A. White, LL.D. 

Josiah Bartlett, M.D. 

William H. Prescott, LL.D. 

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D. 

Rev. Alvan Lamson, D.D. 

Hon. Charles F. Adams, A.M. 

Hon. Samuel Hoar, LL.D. 

Rev. William P. Lunt, D.D. 

Rev. George E. Ellis, A.M. 

Hon. John C. Gray, AM. 

Rev. Nathaniel L. Frothingham, D.D. 

Hon. George S. Hillard, A.M. 

Hon. William Minot, A.M. 



Hon. Peleg W. Chandler, A.M. 
Rev. George W. Blagden, D.D. 
Rev. Lucius R. Paige, A.M. 
Hon. Solomon Lincoln, A.M. 
Rev. Chandler Robbins, D.D. 
Francis Bowen, A.M. 
John Langdon Sible}', A.B. 
Hon. Richard Frothingham, Jr. 
Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, M.D. 
Henry Wheatland, M.D. 
Hon. David Sears, A.M. 
Sylvester Judd, Esq. 
Thomas H. Webb, M.D. 
Charles Deane, Esq. 
George Livermore, A.M. 
Francis Parkman, LL.B. 
Ellis Ames, A.M. 
Samuel Eliot, A.M. 
Hon. John H. Clifford, LL.D. 
William Brigham, A.B. 
Hon. Emory Washburn, LL.D. 
Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop, D.D. 
Rev. William Newell, D.D. 
Hon. Lorenzo Sabine, A.M. 
Thomas Aspinwall, A.M. 
Rev. John S. Barry. 
John A. Lowell, LL.D. 
Lucius M. Sargent, A.M. 
Cornelius C Felton, LL.D. 



CORRESPONDING MEMBERS, 



IN THE ORDER OF THEIR ELECTION. 1 



Benjamin Silliman, M.D., LL.D. 

Moses Fiske, Esq. 

Rev. Eliphalet Nott, D D., LL.D. 

John Wakefield Francis, M.D. 

Baron Alexander von Humboldt. 

Hon. Gulian C. Verplanck, LL.D. 

Robert Walsh, LL.D. 

Frederic Adelung. 

Don Manuel Moreno, M.D. 

Don Jose Maria Salazar. 

Rev. John Hutchinson. 

Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre, LL.D. 

Charles Christian Rafn, P.D. 

Chevalier Pedersen. 

Thomas C. Halliburton, Esq. 

Hon. Washington Irving, LL.D. 

Charles Fraser, Esq. 

Sir Francis Palgrave. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, LL.D. 

Theodore Dwight, A.M. 

Hon. William Jay. 

Cesar Moreau. 

Erastus Smith, Esq. 

William Schlegel. 

Finn Magnusen. 

Col. Juan Galindo. 

Hon. James Kirke Paulding. 

Rev. Benjamin Tappan, D.D. 

Joshua Francis Fisher, A.M. 

T. A. Moerenbout. 

Usher Parsons, M.D. 

George Folsom, A.M. 

Rev. Luther Halsey, D.D. 

John Disney, Esq. 

Rev. Francis Lister Hawks, D.D. 

Rev. Leonard Bacon, D.D. 

Henri Ternaux-Compans. 

George Catlin, Esq. 

Constantine D. Schinas. 

Joaquim Jose Da Costa de Macedo. 

Hon. Daniel D. Barnard. 

Frederic de Waldeck. 

Israel K. Tefft, Esq. 

lion. David L. Swain, LL.D. 

Hon. James M. Wayne, LL.D. 

M. Hall McAllister, Esq. 



Rev. William B. Stevens, M.D., D.D. 

Henry Black, LL.D. 

Rev. John Lee, D.D., LL.D. 

Rev. Charles Burroughs, D.D. 

George Atkinson Ward, Esq. 

Rev. Joseph Hunter, F.A.S. 

Richard Almack, Esq. 

Rev. George Oliver. 

Rev. Philip Bliss, LL.D. 

Sir Archibald Alison, Bt., D.C.L. 

Col. James D. Graham. 

Robert Lemon, Esq. 

Thomas C. Grattan, Esq. 

Don Pedro de Angelis. 

John Romeyne Brodhead, A.M. 

Major E. B. Jarvis. 

Lord Braybrooke, D.C.L. 

E. George Squier, Esq. 

Payne Kenyon Kilbourne. 

Miss Frances Manwaring Caulkins.* 

Thomas Donaldson, Esq. 

Hon. George Bancroft, LL.D. 

Don Lucas Alaman. 

J. Hammond Trumbull, Esq. 

Robert Bigsby, LL.D. 

Rev. Joseph Romilly, A.M. 

James Ricker, Jr., Esq. 

Henry Bond, M.D. 

Henry Stevens, Esq. 

Cyrus Eaton, Esq. 

Rt. Hon. Thomas Babington Macaulay, 

D.C.L. 
Henry Hallam, LL.D. 
William Willis, Esq. 
Frederic Griffin, Esq. 
John Carter Browne, Esq. 
Hon. Elijah Hay ward. 
William S. Southgate, Esq. 
Hon. Samuel G. Arnold. 
Hon. Charles S. Davies. 
John Gilmary Shea, Esq. 
James Lenox, Esq. 
Rt. Rev. Samuel Wilberforce, D.D. 
Winthrop Sargent, Esq. 
The Earl of Stanhope. 
Hon. William C. Rives. 



* Tlie above list is believed to contain the names of all the Corresponding Members now living. 
The names of those who have ceased to be Corresponding Members by moving into the State, are of 
course omitted. 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON, 



FOUNDER OF THE APPLETON PUBLISHING FUND. 



By SAMUEL K. LOTHROP, D.D. 



Commercial Biography is a department of literature 
in which we have fewer books than might be written for 
the benefit and instruction of the world. Of the lives of 
statesmen, poets, artists, literary, military, and professional 
men of all sorts, we have enough, but of eminent and 
successful merchants, men who have made commerce the 
sphere of their extensive activity and usefulness, we have 
few permanent records. Even the writers of fiction, 
whose object is to combine amusement with instruction, 
seldom make a merchant the hero of their tale ; yet com- 
merce has had its heroes, its saints, and martyrs, — men 
who, along its dusty paths, in its busy counting-houses, 
amid its varied enterprises, have exhibited the noblest 
qualities of intellect and of heart. Few of the depart- 
ments of life are more full of interest and incident, or 
more rich in instructive exhibitions of character. Direct- 
ly connected with all that helps to adorn, embellish, or 
elevate social life, and promote the world's progress, its 
records, if searched and revealed, would present probably 
as noble specimens of our common humanity as the bar, 
the pulpit, the senate-chamber, the armies or navies of 
the world, or any of the paths of literary or professional 
occupation. We should find there men as thoroughly 



Vlll MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. 

developed, intellectually and morally, — men who to a keen 
sagacity, a far-reaching penetration, a clear judgment, a 
mind large and comprehensive in its grasp, have added 
the qualities of a bold energy and an indomitable perse- 
verance in enterprise, an integrity that could withstand 
the fiercest temptations, make all sacrifices, and endure all 
losses but the loss of honor, and a large-hearted benevo- 
lence which used wealth for noble purposes, listened with 
sympathy to every appeal of humanity in its individual 
sufferings, and met with generous aid every effort to 
sustain or advance the great public interests and institu- 
tions of society. To these men, these noble and benevo- 
lent merchants, literature, learning, science, humanity in 
all the instrumentalities that would promote its progress, 
in all the institutions that would alleviate its sufferings, 
owes a debt which cannot be too gratefully acknowledged. 

One of these men it is alike our duty and our privilege 
to commemorate in this volume, by some brief notice of 
his life and character. 

The late Samuel Appleton, for so many years an 
eminently successful and eminently useful merchant of 
Boston, was born at New Ipswich, N. H., June 22, 1766. 
His first American ancestor was Samuel Appleton, born 
in 1586 at Little Waldingfield, Suffolk County, England, 
in which county the family had held estates for many 
generations, and were persons of great respectability and 
influence. In the collection of the Harleian Manuscripts 
at the British Museum there is a genealogy of the family, 
tracing Samuel of Little Waldingfield directly to John 
Appleton, who died in 1412, and making it probable that 
he was descended from William de Appleton, who died 
in 1326. The name Appleton, signifying orchard, is of 
Saxon origin, and is found applied to places before the 
Norman Conquest ; after that event, it is found applied to 
persons, but always with a Norman Christian name, such 
as William, Henry, &c., prefixed. The family, therefore, 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. ix 

were probably of Norman origin, and took the name of 
Appleton from some characteristic — such as the orchards 
— of the lands granted them after the Conquest. 

The precise year in which Samuel Appleton of Little 
Waldingfield came to this country cannot be ascertained. 
As his name first appears among those who took the free- 
man's oath on the 25th of May, 1636, he probably came 
a few months previous to that date. He settled in Ips- 
wich, where he had a grant of lands, large portions of 
which are still in the possession of his descendants. His 
son Samuel, born at Little Waldingfield in 1624, and 
consequently about eleven years of age when his father 
came to America, became subsequently quite a distin- 
guished man, and took an active and prominent part in the 
public affairs of the colony. In 1668, and in several suc- 
ceeding years, he was returned a deputy to the General 
Court. On the breaking out of King Philip's war, 1675, he 
received a commission as Captain, "to command a foot com- 
pany of one hundred men." In this capacity he rendered 
very important services in protecting the towns on Connecti- 
cut River, and exhibited such bravery, skill, and efficiency 
as a military commander, that he was soon promoted to the 
rank of Major, and made " Commander-in-chief" of all the 
forces on Connecticut River. In the expedition into the 
Narragansett country by the combined forces of the Ply- 
mouth, Massachusetts, and Connecticut colonies, under 
General Winslow, Major Appleton commanded the Mas- 
sachusetts contingent, about five hundred men, and was 
present at the bloody battle of the 19th of December and 
the capture of Narragansett fort. A zealous supporter of 
the rights and interests of the Colonies, his free speech 
and independent action made him obnoxious to the gov- 
ernment of Sir Edmund Andros, and subjected him to 
arrest and imprisonment. It is a tradition in the family, 
that, on the deposition of Sir Edmund, Major Appleton, 
who had been one of the especial objects of the Governor's 
b 



X MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. 

vengeance, was allowed the satisfaction of handing him 
into the boat that was to convey him to his confinement 
in the Castle. The fact that on this occasion he was one 
of the council called to the provisional government of the 
colony, and also one of the council named in the charter 
of William and Mary, in 1692, is satisfactory evidence of 
the confidence reposed in his abilities, integrity, and pa- 
triotism. 

Isaac Appleton, grandson of the preceding, born at Ips- 
wich in 1704, was one of the sixty inhabitants of Ipswich 
to whom it was granted in 1735-6, by the General Court, 
" to lay out a township of six miles square in some of the 
unappropriated lands of the Province." The township 
laid out under this grant, and called New Ipswich, was 
subsequently, by the running of the boundary line be- 
tween New Hampshire and Massachusetts, in 1741, thrown 
almost entirely into the former Province. The work of 
settlement was therefore arrested almost as soon as com- 
menced, and several years passed before a satisfactory title 
was procured from the authorities of New Hampshire. 
Isaac Appleton did not probably remove to New Ipswich 
till these difficulties were adjusted. His son Isaac, born 
at Ipswich, in 1731, was the father of Samuel, the subject 
of this memoir, whose mother was Mary Adams, daughter 
of Joseph Adams, of Concord. They had a family of 
twelve children, of whom Samuel was the third. 

Isaac Appleton was a deacon of the church, a man of 
piety and integrity, highly respected and beloved in the 
little community of New Ipswich ; but of course he and 
his family were subject to the privations and hardships 
that necessarily attached to life in a newly settled frontier 
town a century ago. So far as the characters and future 
destiny of his children were concerned, these privations 
were perhaps in reality advantages. They served to de- 
velop energy, self-reliance, benevolent and kindly feelings, 
a manly simplicity, and an elevated, independent tone of 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. XI 

moral sentiment, that were of more worth than all the 
benefits that come from the more thorough intellectual 
and conventional culture to be had amid the influences 
of a great city far advanced in civilization. Undoubtedly 
the scenes amid which his childhood was passed, his train- 
ing in a mountainous region, in agricultural employments, 
and, above all, in the home of wise and pious parents, 
were among the influences that helped to develop in Mr. 
Samuel Appleton the intellectual and moral qualities that 
made his life successful, and as pure and honorable as it 
was successful, and that won for his character the affec- 
tionate respect and confidence of all who knew him. 

The district school of his native town was the only sem- 
inary of learning which he ever had any opportunity to 
attend, and this only for a limited portion of the year, till 
he was sixteen ; yet so faithfully had its advantages been 
improved, that at seventeen he was the teacher of a dis- 
trict school himself, and gave so much satisfaction, that 
his services in this capacity were in request every winter, 
in his own or in neighboring towns, so long as he was 
willing to engage in the office of teaching. Two years 
before this, however, just as he was completing his 
fifteenth year, he had an experience and disappoint- 
ment which cannot be better told than it is by himself 
in a brief autobiography of his early years, written in 
the third person. 

"In 1781, Mr. B, H , a merchant of Concord, 

N. H., was on a visit at New Ipswich, and observed to 
Deacon Appleton, ' You have a large number of boys, 
and if you wish it, I will take one of them to tend 
my store in Concord.' Upon this slight invitation, and 
without further ceremony, Samuel was on his way to 
Concord within three days, with a very small bundle of 
clothes and fifty cents in cash, to seek his fortune among 
strangers. He set off on foot, though the travelling was 
very bad, in March, in very good spirits. To be a trader, 



Xll MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. 

though it might be in a small way, was his hobby. He 
arrived at Concord about noon the second day after leav- 
ing home. Mr. H had not returned home ; he had 

gone to Boston, and was not expected for a week. The 

boy Samuel told his simple story to Mrs. H , who 

was a very superior woman. She told him Mr. H 

had not written her upon the subject ; that they did not 
want another boy in the store, and but for his honest 
looks she should take him for an impostor. She told 
him, however, that he might remain, and she would find 

some work for him to do till her husband returned 

Mr. H returned in about a week ; his wife told him 

the whole story, and said they did not want another boy, 
and when they might want one, she had a nephew she 

wished to put into the store. Mr. H told the boy 

he hardly expected him to come to Concord on so slight 
an invitation, and without anything being said respecting 
the terms. He told him, however, he might stay for a 
while and see how he liked shop-keeping. He was imme- 
diately put to work in the store. ..... With this kind 

of business Samuel was well pleased, and believed he 
gave satisfaction, till he had been there about four months, 

when Mrs. H 's nephew arrived. Mrs. H then 

told Samuel, as she must give the preference to her 
nephew, she had no further need of his services, and that 
he had better return to his father. This was to him a 
severe blow. However, the next day, with a heavy heart 
and a light purse, he set out for New Ipswich. His 
father was as much surprised and disappointed at his re- 
turn as was Mrs. H , four months before, at his ar- 
rival at her house in Concord." 

He returned to New Ipswich from this unsuccessful 
attempt " to become a trader," and for four or Hve years 
remained at home, assisting his father on the farm in the 
summer, and teaching a district school, in his own or 
some neighboring town, in the winter. When about 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. Xlll 

twenty-two years of age, he went into Maine with a 
party of young men to settle a township of land which 
had been granted to Hon. C. Barrett. Mr. Appleton went 
partly as agent for Mr. Barrett, and with some design of 
making it his permanent residence. " I took for myself," 
he says, in one of his letters, " a lot of land more than 
two miles from any other settlement, and for some time 
carried my provisions on my back, going through the 
woods by marked trees to my log-house and home at 
that time." Nearly sixty years afterwards, he presented 
a bell for a meeting-house erected in this town, then 
known as " Hope," now called " Appleton," rejoicing, as 
he says, " that the Gospel is preached within three 
miles of the place where I spent three long summer sea- 
sons, during which time I never heard the sound of a 
church-going bell, or ever heard a sermon, or the voice 
of prayer, there being at that time no place of public 
worship within twenty miles of my humble dwelling." 

The experience and discipline of this pioneer life in 
Maine served to develop yet further his energy and self- 
reliance, to mature his self-knowledge, and indicate the 
path of activity and enterprise that would be most in 
harmony with his tastes and powers. This was evidently 
not that of the farmer. " His special gift was not for 
handling the axe or guiding the plough," though he 
could do these well. He wished to become a merchant, 
and accordingly, leaving Maine, he entered into trade, first 
with Colonel Jewett at Ashburnham, and subsequently 
with Mr. Barrett at " the foot of the old Meeting-house 
Hill in New Ipswich." But his energy and activity re- 
quired a larger sphere. He removed to Boston in 1794, 
and commenced a business which at once became prosper- 
ous, and soon large and extensive. In 1799, having formed 
a partnership with his brother Nathan, under the firm of 
" S. & N. Appleton," he made his first voyage to Europe, 
and for the next twenty years much of his time was 



XIV MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. 

passed abroad, in selecting importations and transacting 
the foreign business of the firm. Though largely en- 
gaged in the importing business, he was, in connection 
with his brother, Nathan Appleton, and others, among 
the earliest of those who encouraged the introduction 
of domestic manufactures, and is entitled to share largely 
in whatever praise is due to the patriotism, the public 
spirit, " the wise foresight of the future industrial wants 
of the community," which built up Waltham, Lowell, 
Manchester, and other manufacturing towns. 

In 1819, Mr. Appleton married Mrs. Mary Gove, a 
lady whose just appreciation of all that was noble and 
excellent in his own character, whose ready sympathy 
in whatever interested him, and in all things good and 
pure, whose gentle virtues, refined tastes, and elevating 
influence, made his home a scene of serene domestic 
happiness, as delightful and attractive to others as it was 
blessed to its inmates. "There never was," writes one 
who was competent to judge, " a more sunshiny home ; 
and for the sunshine which filled it, it was his happiness 
to feel that he was indebted to the character and affection 
of the wife whom he loved." 

As he approached sixty years of age, Mr. Appleton re- 
tired from the firm of which he had so long been the 
head, and, gradually relinquishing all participation in 
the active pursuits of business, passed the remainder of 
his life in the graceful enjoyment, the wise and noble use, 
of the ample fortune which an honorable industry, enter- 
prise, and commercial sagacity had secured to him. His 
old age was beautiful and instructive. As his life had 
been honorable and useful, cheerfulness and usefulness 
marked it to the last. Though withdrawn from business 
pursuits, his sympathies were never withdrawn from the 
best interests of society, or his aid refused to that which 
his judgment approved as calculated to promote them. 
During the last two or three years of his life, he was, in 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. XV 

a great measure, confined to his room and his chair ; yet 
that room was the most cheerful in the house, the centre 
of attraction to the friends who loved him best and were 
dearest to himself, and from it there went forth a healthy 
and holy tone of moral feeling, and wise and large chari- 
ties, that remain to benefit and bless many hearts. Wait- 
ing patiently, like one of old, his work well done, he was 
at length permitted to say, " Lord, now lettest thou thy 
servant depart in peace." He died on the 12th of July, 
1853, in the eighty-eighth year of his age, leaving behind 
him that " memory of the just which is blessed." 

He was a just man. That comprehensive word de- 
scribes the great element that controlled his life and char- 
acter. He was just in his dealings, just in his judgments, 
just to others, just to himself, — to all the powers of his 
mind and all the affections of his heart, — ■ to the mortal 
and immortal part of his nature. He had but one pur- 
pose, he knew but one law, and that was to do and say 
and feel that which on the occasion, under the circum- 
stances, it was just, right, that he should do and say and 
feel. Doubtless he was ambitious of success, and the 
energy and enterprise, the patient, persevering industry 
and sagacity, with which he entered upon and pursued 
his business, indicate a determination to achieve success ; 
but instinctively almost, in the very depths of his nature, 
there was one condition attached, — it must be an honor- 
able and just success ; it must be the fruit of integrity, 
a success w r hich brought no reproaches from others, no 
accusations from his own conscience. "A stranger, on 
seeing him," writes Dr. Peabody, " would have been 
first struck with his apparent simplicity and open-hearted 
honesty. It was in his manner, in his look, and in the 
tones of his voice. There was no mistaking it. He was 
an honest man, without subterfuge or disguise, incapable 

of anything indirect or underhanded He knew 

of but one way of speaking, and that was to say, straight 



XVI MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. 

on, the truth. It was a principle grown into a necessity 
of his moral nature. He did not know what else to say." 
And it may be added, that he knew but one way of acting, 
and that was to do what was just and right. So strong 
was the impression, the conviction of his perfect integrity, 
made upon the minds of all who knew him, that in a 
suit at law brought against him on a note of hand for 
a few hundred dollars, signed " Samuel Appleton," and 
found among the papers of a deceased person, — which 
note he could not prove to be a forgery, as there was a 
resemblance to his own signature, but simply declared it 
could not be genuine, as he had no recollection of it, and 
there were no traces of it in his books, — -the jury gave 
a verdict in his favor, . on the ground that they were 
" quite sure that Mr. Appleton would not dispute the 
payment of the note, except on the certainty that he 
did not owe it." What stronger evidence could any man 
receive of the confidence reposed by his fellow-citizens 
in his integrity 1 — a confidence which in this case was 
proved to be correct, as it was ascertained, several years 
afterwards, that the note was genuine, but the signer of 
it was another Samuel Appleton, a sea-captain of Port- 
land, Maine, who had been dead many years. 

Mr. Appleton was a just man. Even his charities were 
in his mind but acts of justice, — something that he owed 
it to God, his fellow-men, and himself to do. It is from 
this thought, this feeling in his own soul, coupled with his 
perfect and unspotted integrity, that they derive much 
of their precious value and efficacy. The charities of 
an unjust man, a man whose integrity and honor are sus- 
pected, or more than suspected, whose scrambles in the 
market have been so greedy and unscrupulous, that it is 
felt that " dirt sticks to his gold," carry no great moral 
power with them. They are available as money to the 
individuals or institutions on which they are bestowed; 
but they do not tell upon the heart of the community, 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. XV11 

nor gain for the giver a place of high regard and affec- 
tionate respect in that heart. Mr. Appleton was beloved 
because he was known to be just as well as benevolent ; 
because he was both just and benevolent; because he 
held the property which he had accumulated by just and 
honorable dealing as a trust, in the use of which he was 
to be guided by what was due to others, to himself, and 
to God, the Giver of all. 

This controlling element of his character — an instinc- 
tive integrity and honesty of soul, a simple desire to be 
and to do what was right — was united with a warm 
heart, strong and tender affections, and a quick sympathy 
in the joys and sufferings of others. He retained to the 
last vivid recollections of all the scenes and associations 
of his boyhood, of all the friends and companions of his 
youth, and a deep interest in all that related to the pros- 
perity and improvement of his native town. There is no 
surer evidence than this of a good heart, uncorrupted by 
the world, — of a pure and unstained life, free from dark 
and painful memories. We do not like to look back, if 
there stand out prominent in the path things that fill 
us with regret, with shame, mortification, remorse. Mr. 
Appleton delighted to look back, for the retrospection 
was peaceful and pleasant, tending only to awaken grati- 
tude to God and kind feelings towards man. He never 
lost his interest in any, however humble, who were com- 
nected with the labor and struggles of his early life, nor 
failed to give them, if needed, substantial tokens of his re- 
membrance and his sympathy. To a large circle of kindred 
his warm affections went out in constant acts of kindness, 
and in aid and encouragement wisely given to promote 
their success and advancement in the world. All the best 
interests and institutions of his native town were fostered 
by his liberal hand ; and its Academy, placed on a perma- 
nent foundation through funds which were largely his 
gift, will stand as a lasting memorial alike of his benevo- 



XV111 MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. 

lence and of " his love toward the spot where he was 
bom." 

But his charities were not confined within the range oi 
his personal interests or sympathies. Always liberal, he 
made it a rule, during the last years of his life, to dispose 
of his whole income, and did so in ways marked by a 
good judgment, as well as by a warm and generous heart. 
Not only in Boston, but throughout New England, his 
name as a benefactor, sometimes munificent, always large, 
is inseparably connected with innumerable institutions to 
promote education, to advance learning, to uphold re- 
ligion, to relieve the wants and woes of suffering humani- 
ty. By his will, after making the most ample provision 
for Mrs. Appleton, and for a large circle of kindred by 
special legacies, he bequeathed in trust to his executors 
stocks to the amount, at par value, of two hundred thou- 
sand dollars, " to be by them applied, disposed of, and dis- 
tributed for scientific, literary, religious, and charitable 
purposes." These gentlemen, in the execution of their 
trust, selected the Massachusetts Historical Society to be 
the recipient of ten thousand dollars of this trust fund ; 
and in their note communicating this decision, which they 
believe " to be in accordance with his wishes," say : " The 
donation is made in trust, to constitute a fund, the income 
of which shall be applied to the procuring, preservation, 
preparation, and publication of historical papers." On 
the receipt of this note, addressed to the Treasurer, with 
his statement annexed that stocks to the amount indicated 
had been transferred to him in behalf of the Society, 
the matter was referred to a -committee, of which Hon. 
Charles F. Adams was chairman, who subsequently sub- 
mitted a report, concluding with the following orders, 
which were unanimously adopted : — 

" Ordered, That the Historical Society of Massachusetts 
gratefully accept the donation of ten thousand dollars, 
made in behalf of the late Samuel Appleton by the 



MEMOIR OF SAMUEL APPLETON. XIX 

trustees under his will, 'in trust to constitute a fund, 
the income of which shall be applied to the procuring, 
preservation, preparation, and publication of historical 
papers.' 

" Ordered, That the property so received be set apart by 
the treasurer of the Society as a fund in trust, to be des- 
ignated as the Appleton Fund ; and that the income of the 
same, the accounts of which shall be kept separately from 
the other receipts and expenditures of the Society, be ap- 
plied for ever exclusively ' to the procuring, preservation, 
preparation, and publication of historical papers,' being 
the objects specified in the letter of the trustees. 

" Ordered^ That in every publication that shall hereafter 
be made by the Society from the income thus applied, 
there be inserted in each volume a notice in print that it 
was published at the charge of the Appleton Fund." 

The "notice in print" required by the last order appears 
for the first time on the title-page of this volume of the 
Society's Collections ; and it is a coincidence worthy of 
note that this "notice" should commence with a volume 
which contains something so interesting and so valuable 
as the first publication entire of the long-lost and curiously 
discovered manuscript of Governor Bradford. 

Mr. Appleton was not a member of our Society; but 
henceforth his name will stand in an honorable position 
on our records and in our publications. In our hearts 
and memories, and in those of this whole community and 
of coming generations, he will be held in affectionate re- 
spect and grateful remembrance, as a just, generous, 
truthful, sincere disciple of the great Master, one who 
to the trusting and loving heart of the child added the 
firmness, wisdom, and good judgment of the man, and who, 
throughout a long life, so far as the infirmities of human 
nature admit, came up to the great, comprehensive require- 
ment, "to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly before 
God." 



HISTORY 



OF 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 



BY 



WILLIAM BRADFORD, 

THE SECOND GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY. 



NOW FIRST PRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED FOR THE 

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

1856. 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. 



The History of Plymouth Plantation by William Brad- 
ford, the second Governor of the colony, after having 
remained in manuscript for more than two hundred 
years, is now given to the public in this present form. 

It is evident that Governor Bradford early formed the 
plan of writing a history of this colony ; and this doubt- 
less led to the careful preservation by him of the valuable 
materials which officially came into his possession pre- 
viously to the time w T hen the work was commenced. 
One evidence of this is seen in his Letter-Book, which 
contained an invaluable collection of letters and other 
public papers, chronologically arranged, afterwards free- 
ly used by him in preparing his History. In a note ap- 
pended to one of these papers, alluding to the necessi- 
tous condition of the colony in 1625 and 1626, he says: 
" It was God's marvellous providence that we were ever 
able to wade through things, as will better appear if God 
give me life and opportunity to handle them more partic- 
ularly in another treatise more at large, as I desire and 
purpose, (if God permit,) with many other things, in a 
better order." 

It is well known to all students of our early annals, 
that Governor Bradford wrote, and left at his decease, 
a History of this colony; and that this, which was never 
published, was freely used by Morton in compiling his 



IV EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

Memorial, first published in 1669; and subsequently by 
Prince and Hutchinson. In the Preface to the first 
volume of his Annals, 1736, Prince cites, as one of his 
manuscript authorities, " Governor Bradford's History of 
Plymouth People and Colony, from 1602 to the end of 
1646, in 270 pages, with some account, at the end, of the 
increase of those who came over with him, from 1620 to 
1650, and all in his own handwriting." Governor Hutch- 
inson, in his second volume, first published in 1767, is 
one of the last, if not the very last, who has made use of 
this manuscript. From that time nothing, until recently, 
has been heard of this volume. While in the possession 
of Prince, who died in 1758, it was deposited in the New 
England Library, in the tower of the Old South Church, 
where he kept his choice historical treasures, and where 
it may have reposed at the time of the siege of Boston, 
when that church was used for a riding-school by the 
British soldiers. Among these treasures was Governor 
Bradford's Letter-Book. This was carried to Nova Scotia, 
and a large portion of it destroyed ; but the remainder 
was rescued from a grocer's shop in Halifax some time 
afterwards, by James Clark, Esq., a Corresponding Mem- 
ber of this Society, and was printed in the third volume 
of its Collections. It was supposed that Bradford's His- 
tory shared the fate of other documents that were at that 
time destroyed or carried away. It had long been given 
up as lost. 

The late Dr. Young was attracted by a narrative in the 
handwriting of Secretary Morton, in the Records of the 
First Church at Plymouth, which, on comparing it with 
the extracts in Hutchinson and Prince, he recognized as a 
portion of the History of Governor Bradford. This por- 
tion, the most of which had been previously printed by 
Hazard as a work of Morton, and which comes down only 
to the year 1620, Dr. Young published in the Chronicles 
of the Pilgrims, in 1841. 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. V 

Thus matters stood until about a year since as regards 
this long-lost manuscript. On the 17th day of February, 
1855, the Rev. John S. Barry, who was at that time en- 
gaged in writing the first volume of his History of Mas- 
sachusetts, since published, called upon me, and stated 
that he believed he had made an important discovery ; it 
being no less than Governor Bradford's manuscript His- 
tory. He then took from his pocket a duodecimo vol- 
ume, entitled "A History of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in America, by Samuel, Lord Bishop of Oxford. 
Second edition. London, 1846," — which a few days be- 
fore had been lent to him by a friend, — and pointed out 
certain passages in the text, which any one familiar with 
them would at once recognize as the language of Brad- 
ford, as cited by Morton and Prince ; but which the au- 
thor of the volume, in his foot-notes, referred to a " MS. 
History of the Plantation of Plymouth, &c, in the Ful- 
ham Library." There were other passages in the vol- 
ume, not recognized as having before been printed, which 
were referred to the same source. I fully concurred with 
Mr. Barry in the opinion that this Fulham manuscript 
could be no other than Bradford's History, either the 
original or a copy, — the whole or a part ; and that 
measures should at once be taken to cause an examina- 
tion of it to be made.* 

Enjoying the privilege of an occasional correspondence 
with the Rev. Joseph Hunter, one of the Vice-Presidents 
of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a Correspond- 
ing Member of our Society, — who has taken a great in- 
terest in the early history of the Pilgrims, and has made 
valuable contributions thereto, — with the concurrence of 
Mr. Barry, I addressed him a note on the very day above 
named, calling his attention to the extracts, and the ref- 

* Mr. Barry stated to me, at the same time, that he had called the attention of 
our mutual friend, Dr. N. B. Shurtleff, to these references ; and that he concurred 
in his views respecting them. 

d 



VI EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

erence made by the Bishop of Oxford, and requesting of 
him the favor to ascertain what this Fulham manuscript 
was ; and, if it proved what we hoped it was, to have a 
copy taken for publication in the Collections of this So- 
ciety, the next volume of which would come principally 
under my charge, as chairman of the Publishing Com- 
mittee. This note, in which was enclosed an original 
letter of Governor Bradford, as a means of verification 
of the manuscript, was sent by the steamer of the 21st 
of February from New York. 

Mr. Hunter immediately responded to the call made 
upon him, and the result may be seen in the following 
letters. 

To Charles Deane, Esq., Boston. 

30 Torrington Square, March 12, 1855. 

Dear Sir, — 

Not having the honor of being acquainted with the 
Bishop of London, I applied to the Bishop of Oxford 
immediately on the receipt of your letter, who assured me 
that he was confident the Bishop of London would allow 
me to make the examination you had requested, and who 
very kindly undertook to introduce the subject himself to 
his Lordship. 

This cleared the way, and I addressed a letter to the 
Bishop of London, explaining to his Lordship what it was 
that the Massachusetts Historical Society had applied to 
me to perform for them, (or rather what I was requested 
to do on behalf of the Society,) namely, to ascertain 
whether the Fulham manuscript were indeed Bradford's 
original, in his own handwriting, and, more generally, 
what is the true nature and character of the manuscript. 

To this I received an immediate reply on Friday last, 
in which the Bishop assures me that every facility shall 
be afforded me for the examination of the manuscript, 
and that he will bring it to town when first he goes to 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. Vll 

Fulham, and give me notice accordingly. You are prob- 
ably aware that Fulham is several miles distant from 
London.* 

I thought it right at the same time to apprise his Lord- 
ship that the granting this favor might possibly draw on 
another request, namely, that he would permit an exact 
copy to be made of it, for the purpose of being introduced 
among the Transactions of the Society. Should this re- 
quest be presented to him, it will impose more inconven- 
ience upon the Bishop than the mere inspection and com- 
parison, which I could do in a single morning, unless he 
should be disposed to intrust the manuscript to my care, 
wjien I should find no difficulty, or very little, in having 
a transcript made of it. If, after the report which I shall 
make of it, a transcript shall be called for, I think there 
ought to be a formal application from the Council of the 
Society, expressing this their desire to the Bishop, which 
I would undertake to present to him. 

I shall be in daily expectation of hearing that the man- 
uscript has been brought to London House, though I can 
easily excuse any delay, conceiving that at this season of 
the year, when Parliament is sitting and there is so much 
other public business requiring his attention, the visits of 
the Bishop to Fulham may not be very frequent. 
I am, dear Sir, your very faithful servant, 

Joseph Hunter. 

To Charles Deane, Esq. 

30 Torrington Square, March 19, 1855. 

Dear Sir, — 
The Bishop of London, with his accustomed prompti- 

* The village of Fulham is situated on the banks of the Thames, at a distance 
of four miles from Hyde-Park Corner. The manor of Fulham belonged to the 
see of London a considerable time before the Conquest, and has since been in 
the uninterrupted possession of the Bishops of London, except during the inter- 
regnum in the seventeenth century ; the manor-house, or palace, being their 
principal summer residence. The library, Mr. Hunter writes, is a very valuable 
one. The room is forty-eight feet in length, and contains many of the portraits 
of the Bishops of London, beginning with Tunstall. See a full and interest- 
ing description of Fulham in Lyson's Environs of London, 2d ed., II. 224-276. 



Vlll EDITORIAL PREFACE." 

tude, brought the manuscript to town in the course of last 
week, and on Friday I had the opportunity of inspecting 
it at his Lordship's house in St. James's Square. 

But his Lordship added much to this favor, by assuring 
me that I was at perfect liberty to take it home, and to 
make whatever extracts from it I pleased, or to copy the 
whole. So that all difficulties of that kind are removed, 
and the Society is perfectly at liberty to have a copy made 
for its use, from which they may print, if they think it 
expedient to do so. 

There is not the slightest doubt that the manuscript is 
Governor Bradford's own autograph. Not only is there 
a sufficient degree of correspondence between the hand- 
writing of the manuscript and that of the letter which 
you transmitted to me, but there is the attestation of one 
of the family, written in 1705, stating that it w r as given 
by the Governor -to his son, Major William Bradford, and 
by him to his son, Major John Bradford. There is also, 
in the handwriting of Prince, a memorandum, dated June 
4, 1728, showing how he obtained it from Major John 
Bradford. It also appears to have been in the New Eng- 
land Library. And finally, the written pages are 270, the 
number named by Prince, and subsequently by Dr. Young, 
as the number of pages in the long-lost volume 

It now remains for the Historical Society to determine 
whether they will have a fair and exact copy made of it. 
I have spoken to a gentleman who would undertake to do 
it, and who would execute it in a scholar-like and busi- 
ness-like manner. I cannot undertake to do much myself 
in the labor of transcribing or correcting, though I should 
have no objection to giving a little attention and super- 
vison as the work is in progress 

As it seems to be your wish that no time should be 
lost, and as I should myself be glad to be relieved from 
the care of so precious a volume, and to restore it to the 
Bishop's library, it would be well if instructions were 



•EDITORIAL PREFACE. IX 

given in your next communication respecting the form 
in which you would wish the copy to be made ; that is, 
whether with the contractions as used by Bradford, and 
his own orthography, or reduced to modern orthography, 
as is done by Dr. Young in the part which he has printed. 
It would be expedient to copy the original so far as to 
write on only one side of the leaf, as there are a few ad- 
ditions on some of the opposite pages, and also a few 
notes in the handwriting of Prince, which it might be 
well to preserve, distinguishing them, of course, from 
the work of Bradford. 

I return the letter of Governor Bradford in this en- 
velope. 

I am, dear Sir, your very faithful servant, 

Joseph Hunter. 

These letters were received in the early part of April, 
and, without waiting for any formal action of the Histori- 
cal Society, which would have caused delay, a reply was 
immediately made and forwarded by the steamer of the 
11th of that month, with directions to have an exact copy 
of the manuscript made as soon as practicable; adequate ~ 
funds being at once placed at the disposal of Mr. Hunter 
for that purpose. 

The copy of the manuscript was completed on the 
10th of July, and it was received at Boston on the 3d 
of August. A note of Mr. Hunter was received at the 
same time, under date of July 14th, 1855, in which he 
says : — 

" The transcriber has done his work in a very satisfac- 
tory manner, preserving all the peculiarities of Bradford's 
writing, and the copy is, I think, as perfect a representa- 
tion of the original as could well be made. I have 
perused the copy, turning often to the original when I 
thought there might be some error, and there has hardly 
been an instance in which I did not find it exact. There 



X EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

are cases not a few in which you may think that what 
Bradford has written is not correctly represented; but 
you would find, I may venture to say, in all cases, that 
it is Bradford himself who has not expressed,, his mean- 
ing with sufficient precision. I made the collation with 
much attention ; and in the course of it I added, what 
I think ought to be preserved, the paging of the origi- 
nal, in which you will perceive some irregularity. 

" Everything has been copied except the Hebrew quo- 
tations from the Old Testament Scriptures, and a Collec- 
tion of Hebrew Roots ; and you will perceive that every- 
thing which is not Bradford's is distinguished from his ; 
but scarcely any hand has obtruded except Prince's. 

" The volume is a folio of twelve inches by seven and 
a half. The backs of white parchment, soiled, and in no 
good condition. There has been some scribbling on the 
cover, now scarcely legible. It was done by some mem- 
ber of Bradford's family, before they had allowed the vol- 
ume to pass out of their hands. In this scribbling the 
name of Mercy Bradford* is to be traced. 

" I inclose a fac-simile of the manuscript in this letter. 
The verses on Mrs. Bradford are pasted inside the cover.-)" 
I shall not return the manuscript immediately, so that 
if you wish reference to be made to it on any particular 
point, it can be done." 

The gratification of receiving the copy of this venerable 
relic was second only to that which would be experienced 
by a sight of the original. The following memorandum, 
referred to by Mr. Hunter in his letter of March 19th, 
is written upon one of the blank leaves at the commence- 
ment of the volume. 

" This book was rit by goefner William Bradford, and 
gifen to his son mager William Bradford, and by him 
to his son mager John Bradford, rit by me Samuel Brad- 
ford, Mach 20, 1705." 

# Daughter of Governor Bradford. f See Appendix, page 460. 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. XI 

The following note by Prince, ' written upon another 
leaf, also referred to by Mr. Hunter, will be read with 
equal interest. 

" Tuesday, June 4. 1728. 

" N. B. Calling at Major John Bradford's at Kingston 
near Plimouth, son of Major W m Bradford formerly Dep 
Gov r of Plimouth Colony, who was eldest son of W m . 
Bradford, Esq. their 2 d Gov r & author of this History ; — 
y e s d Major John Bradford gave me several Manuscript 
Octavoes w c He assured me were written with his said 
Grandfather Gov r Bradfords own Hand. He also gave 
me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew-lead Pencil 
by his s d Father y e Dep Gov r . And He also told me y l 
He had sent & only lent his s d Grandfather Gov r Brad- 
ford's History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand 
also, to Judg Sewall ; and desired me to get it of Him 
or find it out, & take out of it what I think proper for 
my New England Chronology ; w c I accordingly ob- 
tained, and This is y e s d History ; w e I find wrote in y e 
same Hand-writing as y e Octavo Manuscripts above s d . 

"Thomas Prince. 

" I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this His- 
tory in y e New England Library of Prints & Manuscripts, 
w c I had been then collecting for 23 years, to w c Pie sig- 
nified his willingness — only y l He might have y e Perusal 
of it while he lived. 

"T. Prince." 

Prince's book-plate, which many of his volumes that 
belonged to the New England Library contain, is pasted 
on this leaf. 

A few words may be said as to the plan adopted in 
printing this volume. The orthography of the original, as 
represented by the copy, has been scrupulously preserved. 
In a few instances, an obvious error of inadvertence has 
been, corrected, but the word as it stood in the manu- 



Xll EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

script — unless the change was of too trifling a nature to 
be thus indicated — has been placed at the bottom of the 
page. But such slight changes even have rarely been 
made, as the purpose has been to reproduce, a copy of 
the original, even to the retaining of some apparent slips 
of the author. The peculiarity of the time as to the use 
of the letters u and v, in spelling, was not preserved by 
the transcriber, and in that regard modern usage has pre- 
vailed ; Mr. Hunter, when written to respecting it, saying 
he thought it quite unnecessary to attend scrupulously to 
these. Occasionally, throughout the manuscript, an al- 
teration was found to have been made in a word after it 
was first written. For instance, the word such is usually 
written shuch, but very frequently a pen has been drawn 
down through the second letter, reducing it to modern 
orthography. This is the case with a few other words. 
In some instances the correction of the spelling of a word 
is indicated by placing a letter over the word as originally 
written. Whether these changes were made by the au- 
thor, or by another ancient hand, I cannot determine 
without an inspection of the original. In such instances, 
the word has been printed to conform to the correction. 
Many passages in the volume are underscored, and it 
was designed to print such in italics ; and this method 
was proceeded in till, arriving at the middle of the vol- 
ume, this peculiarity existed to such an extent that it 
was perceived it would essentially mar the appearance of 
the book to represent it in type. Some question also ex- 
isted as to whether the underscoring might not be the 
work of Prince, some of whose notes refer to these 
marked passages. The italics were therefore abandoned. 

There was a great want of uniformity in the author's 
punctuation, and also in his use of capitals ; and in that 
regard I have taken the liberty in printing to bring them 
into conformity with modern usage. 

The original manuscript was written on one side only 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. Xlll 

of the leaf. On the reverse or blank pages Bradford 
sometimes wrote long passages, some of which were in- 
advertently omitted by him in the narrative, and after- 
wards supplied. Others were intended as notes to illus- 
trate the text. The most of Prince's notes, which are not 
numerous, were written on these reverse pages; and in 
printing them, his abbreviated words have been spelled 
out at length, and the orthography generally made to 
conform to modern usage. And this remark will also ap- 
ply to the language of all early writers cited in the notes 
of the editor. The orthography of Bradford in his His- 
tory is preserved in his notes, as well as in the body of 
the work. Where a word appears in the text in brackets, 
it will be understood to have been supplied by the editor, 
unless otherwise indicated. The paging of the original 
manuscript has been preserved in brackets throughout 
the book. The running-title of the volume has been 
adopted from the only title of Bradford, on the first page, 
with the addition of the word " History." 

In this volume, in the body of the work as well as in 
the notes, everything is from Bradford's pen, unless other- 
wise indicated. Prince's notes simply bear his name in 
italics. The few notes which I have made in the capacity 
of editor are signed " Ed." 

"Where references are made to Morton's Memorial, and 
other early tracts, the first editions are intended, unless 
other editions are named. 

The chronology of this History is in old style, the dis- 
tinction between which and the present mode of computa- 
tion is too well known to historical readers to need ex- 
planation here. 

The very interesting list of passengers of the Mayflower, 
with an account of their families, which is at the end of 
the manuscript, is here placed in the Appendix. 

In a note of Mr. Hunter, cited above, he says that 
everything in the volume had been copied, except some 



XIV EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

Hebrew quotations, &c. In a previous letter he had 
stated, that in the same volume with the History, though 
forming no part of it, " is a rather long piece, being 
Hebrew Roots, with English explanations " ; that it is 
in the handwriting of Governor Bradford, and shows his 
attention to these studies. It appears that there are eight 
pages of these exercises, including extracts from the He- 
brew Scriptures, to which Bradford has prefixed the fol- 
lowing : — 

" Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a longing 
desire to see, with my owne eyes, somthing of that most 
ancient language, and holy tongue, in which the Law and 
oracles of God were write ; and in which God, and angels, 
spake to the holy patriarks of old time ; and what names 
were given to things, from the creation. And though I 
caiiot attaine to much herein, yet I am refreshed to have 
seen some glimpse hereof (as Moyses saw the land of 
Canan a farr of). My aime and desire is, to see how the 
words and phrases lye in the holy texte ; and to discerne 
somewhat of the same, for my owne contente." 

It will be perceived that Morton, in compiling his 
Memorial, was chiefly indebted to this History for his 
materials, down to the year 1647. Much of it is a mere 
abridgment of this ; and many passages of great histori- 
cal interest were wholly omitted by him. Much valuable 
correspondence that took place just before the embarka- 
tion from Holland, and afterwards in England before the 
Mayflower sailed, was passed over by him in silence. He 
also omitted the whole history of the connection between 
the planters and adventurers ; and also that portion 
which narrates so minutely and graphically the struggles 
which the undertakers subsequently passed through for 
so many years. Morton copied some portions of this 
History omitted in the Memorial into the Church Rec- 
ords, beyond even what Dr. Young has published ; but 
it appears not to have been within his plan to embrace 






EDITORIAL PREFACE. XV 

many subjects of the first importance in the history of 
the colony. 

Prince made a judicious use of this volume ; but from 
the limited nature of his work he was necessarily re- 
stricted to extracts here and there, more or less brief, 
on those subjects which to him were of the greatest in- 
terest. Besides, the second volume of his Annals was 
abruptly terminated by his death, and comes down only 
to August, 1633. 

Hubbard evidently made use of this volume in pre- 
paring his History of New England ; and from a few pas- 
sages in Mather's Magnalia, it seems certain that he also 
had seen this work. 

In the Appendix to the second volume of his History 
of Massachusetts, Hutchinson gives " a summary of the 
affairs" of Plymouth colony, taken chiefly from Brad- 
ford's manuscript. It was necessarily brief, as his " prin- 
cipal object was the Massachusetts colony"; and this was 
written because, as he says, " some of my friends of the 
colony of New Plymouth took it unkindly because I said 
no more of their affairs in the first part of the History." 

The opportunities which Governor Bradford enjoyed 
for writing the history of this colony, were superior, in 
many respects, to those of any other person. From 
1621 to 1657, the year of his death, he had but five 
years' release from the office of chief magistrate. Al- 
though this would seem to afford him little leisure for 
writing, yet he thereby acquired an entire familiarity 
with every subject of a public nature in any way con- 
nected with the colony. This, taken in connection with 
the high character which he has always enjoyed, has 
caused this work to be regarded as of the first authority, 
and as entitled to take precedence of everything else 
relating to the history of the Pilgrims. 

It will be seen, on page 6, that our author commenced 
writing this History in 1630 ; and on page 444, it will be 



XVI EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

observed that the concluding portion, left evidently un- 
finished, was written in 1650. 

For what is known of the early life of Bradford we are 
indebted to Cotton Mather ; and as some of his statements 
concerning him have recently received abundant confir- 
mation from the researches of Mr. Hunter, there will 
be a greater readiness to accept the whole sketch as au- 
thentic. Mather may have obtained the most of his in- 
formation from some writings of Bradford, now lost, or 
by oral communication with members of the Bradford 
family ; more likely the former. We read in the Magna- 
lia, that Bradford was born in " an obscure village called 
Ansterfield." No such place can be found in any part of 
England, but through the successful researches of Mr. 
Hunter it is ascertained that what is printed Arasterfield 
should be Azjsterfield, a village in Yorkshire, a short dis- 
tance from Scrooby, the residence of Brewster and the 
location of Robinson's church, in the adjoining county.* 
Alluding to the suffering witnesses to the truth which 
sprang up in Yorkshire during the reign of Queen Eliza- 
beth, Mather proceeds : — 

" Among those devout people was our William Bradford, 
who was born anno 1588, in an obscure village called 
Ansterfield,-j* where the people were as unacquainted with 
the Bible, as the Jews do seem to have been with part of 
it in the days of Josiah ; a most ignorant and licentious 
people, and like unto their priest. Here, and in some 
other places, he had a comfortable inheritance left him 
of his honest parents, who died while he was yet a child, 
and cast him on the education, first of his grandparents, 
and then of his uncles, who devoted him, like his ances- 
tors, unto the affairs of husbandry. Soon arid long sick- 
ness kept him, as he would afterwards thankfully say, 
from the vanities of youth, and made him the fitter for 

* Seepage 411 of this volume. f Austerfield. 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. XV11 

what he was afterwards to undergo. When he was about 
a dozen years old, the reading of the Scriptures began to 
cause great impressions upon him ; and those impres- 
sions were much assisted and improved, when he came 
to enjoy Mr. Richard Clifton's illuminating ministry, 
not far from his abode; he was then also further be- 
friended, by being brought into the company and fellow- 
ship of such as were then called professors ; though the 
young man that brought him into it, . did after become a 
profane and wicked apostate. Nor could the wrath of 
his uncles, nor the scoff of his neighbors, now turned 
upon him, as one of the Puritans, divert him from his 
pious inclinations." 

At last he formed a resolution " to withdraw from the 
communion of the parish-assemblies, and engage with 
some society of the faithful, that should keep close unto 
the written word of God, as the rule of their worship"; 
which he zealously adhered to. In course of time, he, 
with the church with which he was connected, removed 
into Holland. Bradford, at that time, was about eighteen 
years of age. He was one of those imprisoned at Boston, 
in Lincolnshire ; and w T hen, subsequently, he with others 
succeeded in reaching Zealand, he was arrested, as having 
fled from England. The magistrates, however, released 
him on learning the cause of his emigration, and he joined 
his friends at Amsterdam. While there, he served " a 
Frenchman at the working of silks." On becoming of 
age, he converted his estate in England into money, and 
set up for himself. This, of course, was after the removal 
to Leyden. He subsequently bore his part in the hazard- 
ous enterprise of removing to New England, with a por- 
tion of Mr. Robinson's church. 

Mr. Hunter says that " Austerfield is an ancient village, 
consisting then, as it does now, of a few houses inhabited 
by persons engaged in the occupation of husbandry, and 
a small chapel of a very early age." On consulting the 



XV111 EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

Register of that place, Mr. Hunter finds that Bradford 
was born March 19th, 1589-90. His father's name was 
William, and his mother's name was Alice Hanson. They 
were married June 21st, 1584. The father was buried 
July 15th, 1591, when his son, the future Governor, was 
but a year and a half old. The grandfather, who also 
bore the same Christian name, was buried January 10th, 
1595-6, when our William was about six years of age ; 
so that he was then probably cast on the care of his 
uncles, of whom there were two, Thomas and Robert 
Bradford. For full information concerning the family 
and some of their contemporaries, see Mr. Hunter's 
Founders of New Plymouth. 

Mather thus concludes his notice of our author : — 
" He was a person for study as well as action ; and 
hence, notwithstanding the difficulties through which he 
passed in his youth, he attained unto a notable skill in 
languages ; the Dutch tongue was become almost as ver- 
nacular to him as the English ; the French tongue he 
could also manage ; the Latin and the Greek he had mas- 
tered ; but the Hebrew he most of all studied, because, 
he said, he would see with his own eyes the ancient ora- 
cles of God in their native beauty. He was also well 
skilled in history, in antiquity, and in philosophy; and 
for theology, he became so versed in it, that he was an 
irrefragable disputant against the errors, especially those 
of Anabaptism, which with trouble he saw rising in his 
colony; wherefore he wrote some significant things for 
the confutation of those errors. But the crown of all was 
his holy, prayerful, watchful, and fruitful walk with God, 
wherein he was very exemplary. 

" At length he fell into an indisposition of body, which 
rendered him unhealthy for a whole winter; and as the 
spring advanced, his health yet more declined ; yet he felt 
himself not what he counted sick, till one day, in the 
night after which the God of heaven so filled his mind 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. XIX 

with ineffable consolations, that he seemed little short of 
Paul, rapt up unto the unutterable entertainments of 
Paradise. The next morning he told his friends, that the 
good Spirit of God had given him a pledge of his happi- 
ness in another world, and the first-fruits of his eternal 
glory: and on the day following he died, May 9, 1657, 
in the sixty-ninth year of his age, lamented by all the 
colonies of New England, as a common blessing and 
father to them all." 

The first wife of Governor Bradford, Dorothy May, was 
drowned at Cape Cod harbor, December 7th, 1620. On 
the 14th of August, 1623, he was married again, to Alice, 
the widow of Edward Southworth. She arrived at Ply- 
mouth in the Anne, about a fortnight before. There is a 
tradition that an early attachment existed between this 
lady and Governor Bradford, which was not favored by 
her parents. For an account of his children, see Appen- 
dix I. of this volume, and Russell's Guide to Plymouth, 
pages 237, 238. 

In conclusion, it would be a satisfaction to know by 
whose agency the original manuscript of this History was 
transferred from the New England Library in Boston to 
the Fulham Library in England. There was no faithful 
Prince to make a record of this. It is uncertain how 
long the volume has reposed at Fulham. The Bishop of 
Oxford, in a note to me on this point, writes : " I should 
suppose for a very long period. I discovered it for myself 
in searching for original documents for my History of the 
American Episcopal Church." 

CHARLES DEANE. 

Boston, April 16, 1856. 



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And first of y e occasion and indusments ther unto ; the 
which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at y e very 
roote & rise of y e same. The which I shall endevor to 
manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler regard unto y e 
simple trueth in all things, at least as near as my slender 
judgmente can attaine the same. 

1. Chapter. 

It is well knowne unto y e godly and judicious, how ever 
since y e first breaking out of y e lighte of y e gospell in our 
Honourable Nation of England, (which was y e first of na- 
tions whom y e Lord adorned ther with, afFter y l grosse 
darknes of popery which had covered & overspred y e 
Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions ever since, 
Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the 
Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or other. Some 
times by bloody death and cruell torments ; other whiles 
imprisonments, banishments, & other hard usages ; as 
being loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth 
prevaile, and y e churches of God reverte to their anciente 
puritie, and recover their primative order, libertie, & 
bewtie. But when he could not prevaile by these means, 

* No other title to the manuscript. — Ed. 
1 



2 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I. 

against the maine trueths of y e gospell, but that they 
began to take rootting in many places, being watered 
with y e blooud of y e martires, and blessed from heaven 
with a gracious encrease ; he then begane to take him to 
his anciente strategemes, used of old against the first 
Christians. That when by y e bloody & barbarous perse- 
cutions of y e Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe 
& subuerte the course of y e gospell, but that it speedily 
overspred with a wounderfull celeritie the then best 
known parts of y e world, he then begane to sow errours, 
heresies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst y e profes- 
sours them selves, (working upon their pride & am- 
bition, with other corrupte passions incidente to all mor- 
tall men, yea to y e saints them selves in some measure,) 
by which wofull effects followed ; as not only bitter con- 
tentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible 
confusions, but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby 
to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many un- 
profitable cannons & decrees, which have since been as 
snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this 
day. So as in y e anciente times, the persecutions [2] by y e 
heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then of the 
Christians one against other ; the Arians & other their 
complices against y e orthodoxe & true Christians. As 
witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke* His words are these ; 
The violence truly (saith he) was no less then that of ould 
practised towards y e Christians when they were compelled 
8f drawne to sacrifice to idoles ; for many endured sundrie 
kinds of tormente, often racking s, fy dismembering of their 
joynts ; confiscating of ther goods ; some bereaved of their 
native soyle ; others departed this life under y e hands of y e 
tormentor ; and some died in banishmete, §■ never saw ther 
cuntrie againe, fyc. 

The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these 

* Lib. 2. chap. 22. 



CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3 

later times, since y e trueth begane to springe & spread 
after y e great defection made by Antichrist, y l man of 
siiie. 

For to let pass y e infinite examples in sundrie nations 
and severall places of y e world, and instance in our owne, 
when as y l old serpente could not prevaile by those firie 
flames & other his crueil tragedies, which he by his 
instruments put in ure every wher in y e days of queene 
Mary & before, he then begane an other kind of warre, 
& went more closly to worke ; not only to oppuggen, but 
even to ruinate & destroy y e kingdom of Christ, by more 
secrete & subtile means, by kindling y e flames of conten- 
tion and sowing y e seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie 
amongst y e proffessors & seeming reformed them selves. 
For when he could not prevaile by y e former means 
against y e principall doctrins of faith, he bente his force 
against ye holy discipline & outward regimen te of y e 
kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should 
be conserved, & true pietie maintained amongest the 
saints & people of God. 

Mr. Foxe # recordeth how y l besids those worthy mar- 
tires & confessors which were burned in queene Marys 
days & otherwise tormented, Many (both studients §* 
others) fled out of y e land, to y e number of 800. And be- 
came severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankfovd, Bassill, 
Emden,Markpurge,Strausborugh,-\ §* Geneva, fyc. Amongst 
whom (but especialy those at Frankford) begane y l bit- 
ter warr of contention & persecutio aboute y e ceremonies, 
& servise-booke, and other popish and antichristian stufie, 
the plague of England to this day, which are like y e high- 
plases in Israeli, w ch the prophets cried out against, & 
were their ruine ; [3] which y e better parte sought, accord- 
ing to y e puritie of y e gospell, to roote out and utterly to 
abandon. And the other parte (under veiled pretences) 

* Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi : 2. f Marburg, Strasburg. — Ed. 



4 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I. 

for their ouwn ends & advancments, sought as stifly to 
continue, maintaine, & defend. As appeareth by y e dis- 
course therof published in printe, An : 1575; a booke y l 
deserves better to be knowne and considred.* 

The one side laboured to have y e right worship of God 
& discipline of Christ established in y e church, according 
to y e simplicitie of y e gospell, without the mixture of mens 
inventions, and to have & to be ruled by y e laws of Gods 
word, dispensed in those offices, & by those officers of Pas- 
tors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to y e Scripturs. 
The other partie, though under many colours & pretences, 
endevored to have y e episcopall dignitie (affter y e popish 
maher) with their large pow T er & jurisdiction still retained; 
with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies, togeather with 
all such livings, revenues, & subordinate officers, with other 
such means as formerly upheld their antichristian great- 
nes, and enabled them with lordly & tyranous power to 
persecute y e poore servants of God. This contention was 
so great, as neither y e honour of God, the commone per- 
secution, nor y e mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies 
of y e Lord in those places, could prevaile with those thus 
episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to 
disturbe y e peace of this poor persecuted church, even so 
farr as to charge (very unjustly, & ungodlily, yet prelate- 
like) some of their cheefe opposers, with rebellion & 
hightreason against y e Emperour, & other such crimes.*)* 

And this contention dyed not with queene Mary, nor was 
left beyonde y e seas, but at her death these people return- 
ing into England under gracious queene Elizabeth, many 
of them being preferred to bishopricks & other promo- 
tions, according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate 
hatered against y e holy discipline of Christ in his church 

* This book is entitled, " A Brieff printed in London within a few years, 

discours off the troubles begonne at — Ed. 

Eranckford in Germany Anno Domini f See Anderson's Annals of the Eng- 

1554," &c. It is an esteemed work lish Bible, II. 309, 310 ; McCrie's Life 

of original authority, and has been re- of Knox, Period IV. — Ed. 



CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. g 

hath continued to this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it 
should preveile, all plotts & devices have been used to 
keepe it out, incensing y e queene & state against it as 
dangerous, for y e coihon wealth; and that it was most 
needfull y l y e fundamental! poynts of Religion should be 
preached in those ignorante & superstitious times ; and 
to wine y- e weake & ignorante, they might retaine diverse 
harmles ceremoneis ; and though it were to be wished y l 
diverse things were reformed, yet this was not a season 
for it. And many the like, to stop y e mouthes of y e more 
godly, to bring them over to yeeld to one ceremoney after 
another, and one corruption after another ; by these wyles 
begyleing some & corrupting others till at length they 
begane to persecute all y e zealous professors in y e land 
(though they knew little what this discipline mente) both 
by word & deed, if they would not submitte to their cere- 
monies, & become slaves to them & their popish trash, 
which have no ground in y e word of God, but are relikes 
of y l man of sine. And the more y e light of y e gospell 
grew, y e more y ey urged their subscriptions to these cor- 
ruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former pre- 
tences & fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly 
blinded might easily see wherto these things tended. 
And to cast contempte the more upon y e sincere servant's 
of God, they opprobriously & most injuriously gave 
unto, & imposed upon them, that name of Puritans,* 
which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume & 
take unto themselves.-]* And lamentable it is to see y e 
effects which have followed. Eeligion hath been dis- 
graced, the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many 
exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones & other- 
ways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, 
ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, & the papists 
encouraged to hope againe for a day. 

* See Prince's Annals, I. 215. — Ed. f Eus : lib : 6. chap. 42. 



6 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I. 

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins * crie out in his 
exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion (saith 
he) hath been amongst us this 35. years ; but the more it is 
published, the more it is contemned 8f reproached of many, 
fyc. Thus not profhanes nor wickednes, but Religion it 
selfe is a byword, a mokingstock, §" a matter of reproach ; 
so that in England at this day the man or woman y t begines 
to profes Religion, 8f to serve God, must resolve ivith him 
selfe to sustaine [5] mocks §* injueries even as though he 
lived amongst y c enimies of Religion. And this comone 
experience hath confirmed & made too apparente. 



A late observation, as it were by the way, xvorthy to be 

Noted.-f 

Full litle did I thinke, y l the downfall of y e Bishops, with their 
courts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare, when I 
first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute y e year 
1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure afterward), or that 
I should have lived to have seene or heard of y e same; but it 
is y e Lords doing, and ought to be marvelous in our eyes ! Every 
plante which mine heavenly father hath not planted (saith our 
Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat: 15. 13.$ I have snared the, 
and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not 
aware ; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast 
striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs 
strive against y e truth, against y e servants of God ; what, & 
against the Lord him selfe ? Doe they provoke the Lord to 
anger? Are they ^stronger than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, 
they have mete with their match. Behold, I come unto y e , O 
proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is come, 
even the time that I will visite the. Jer: 50. 31. May not the 



* Pag. 421. [William Perkins's by the passing- events in England. — 

" Godly and learned exposition of Ed. 

Christ's Sermon in the Mount," one J All these and subsequent passages 

vol., fol., 1618. — Ed.] are quoted from the Geneva version of 

f A note of the author at this place, the Bible, which was held in high es- 

written subsequent to this portion of timation by our Puritan fathers. — 

the narrative, on the reverse pages of Ed. 
his History, and naturally suggested 



CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 7 

people of God now say (and these pore people among y e 
rest), The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes ; come, let 
us declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. 
Let all flesh be still before the Lord ; for he is raised up out of 
his holy place. ; Zach : 2. 13. 

In this case, these poore people may say (among y e thousands 
of Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we 
were like them that dreame. Psa : 126. 1. The Lord hath done 
greate things for us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in 
teares, shall reap in joye. They wente weeping, and carried 
precious seede, but they shall returne with joye, and bring their 
sheaves, v. 5, 6. 

Doe you not now see y e fruits of your labours, O all yee ser- 
vants of y e Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have been 
faithfull witneses of y e same, and yee litle handfull amongst 
y e rest, y e least amongest y e thousands of Israll ? You have not 
only had a seede time, but many of you have seene y e joyefull 
harvest ; should you not then rejoyse, yea, and againe rejoyce, 
and say Hallelu-iah, salvation, and glorie, and honour, and 
power, be to y e Lord our God ; for true and righteous are his 
judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. 

But thou wilte aske what is y e mater? What is done? 
Why, art thou a stranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not 
know what is done ? Are not those Jebusites overcome that 
have vexed the people of Israll so long, even holding Jerusalem 
till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so many 
ages ; and now begane to scorne that any David should meadle 
with them ; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that of the 
old Babelonians ; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, 
and their glory laid in y e dust. The tiranous bishops are 
ejected, their courts dissolved, their cannons forceless, their ser- 
vise casheired, their ceremonies uselese and despised ; their plots 
for popery prevented, and all their superstitions discarded & 
returned to Roome from whence they came, and y e monuments 
of idolatrie rooted out of y e land. And the proud and profane 
suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody papists & 
wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously 
over throwne. And are not these greate things ? Who can 
deney it ? 

But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on y e 
white horse, who is caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and 



8 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I. 

fighteth righteously, Rev: 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in 
blood, and his name was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he 
shall rule them with a rode of iron ; for it is he that treadeth 
the winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God almighty. And 
he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen, 
The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16. 

Hallelu-iah. 
Anno Dom : 1646. 

But that I may come more near my intendmente ; when 
as by the travell & diligence of some godly & zealous 
preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as in other 
places of y e land, so in y e North parts, many became in- 
lightened by y e word of God, and had their ignorance & 
sins discovered unto them, and begane by his grace to 
reforme their lives, and make conscience of their waves, 
the worke of God was no sooner manifest in them, but 
presently they were both scoffed and scorned by y e pro- 
phane multitude, and y e minsters urged with y e yoak of 
subscription, or els must be silenced ; and y e poore people 
were so vexed with apparators, & pursuants, & y e comis- 
sarie courts, as truly their affliction was not smale ; which, 
notwithstanding, they bore sundrie years with much pa- 
tience, till they were occasioned (by y e continuance & en- 
crease of these troubls, and other means which y e Lord 
raised up in those days) to see further into things by the 
light of y e word of God. How not only these base and 
beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that y e 
lordly & tiranous power of y e prelats ought not to be 
submitted unto ; which thus, contrary to the freedome of 
the gospell, would load & burden mens consciences, 
and by their compulsive power make a prophane mixture 
of persons & things in y e worship of God. And that 
their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were unlaw- 
full and antichristian ; being such as have no warrante 
in y e word of God ; but the same y\ were used in poperie, 
& still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth 









1602-1606'?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 9 

in his Dutch coihtaries.* At y e coming of king James + 
into England; The new king (saith he) found their estab- 
lished y e reformed religion, according to y e reformed religion 
of king Edivard y e 6. Retaining, or keeping still y e spirit- 
uall state of y e Bishops, fyc. after y e ould maner, much vary- 
ing §* differing from y e reformed churches in Scotland, 
France, §• y e Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, §*c. whose 
reformation is cut, or shapen much nerer y e first Christian 
churches, as it was used in y e Apostles times. J 

[6] So many therfore of these proffessors as saw y e evill 
of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts y e Lord 
had touched w lh heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke 
of this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as y e Lords 
free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the 
Lord) into a church estate, in y e felowship of y e gospell, 
to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made 
known unto them, according to their best endeaours, 
whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them. 
And that it cost them something this ensewing historie 
will declare. 

These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches, 
& in regarde of distance of place did congregate sever- 
ally ; for they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some 
in Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of 
Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one 
of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John 
Smith, a man of able gifts, & a good preacher, who after- 

* Em: Meter: lib: 25. col. 119. with a Puritan Devil, which he feared 

[Emanuel Van Meteren, the author of would not leave him to his grave. And 

a History of the Low Countries. — Ed.] that he would hazard his crowne, but 

f In February, 1604-5, King James, he would suppress those malicious 

in council, bitterly inveighed against Spirits." — Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 

the Puritans, declaring "that the re- Lib. V. p. 44. — Ed. 

volt in the Low Countries, which had J The reformed churches shapen 

lasted ever since he was borne, and much neerer y e primitive patterne then 

whereof he never expected to see an England, for they cashered ye Bishops 

end, began first by petition for matters w*- h al their courts, cannons, and cer- 

of Religion ; and so did all the troubles emoneis, at the first ; and left them 

in Scotland. That his mother and he, amongst ye popish tr . . to w ch they 

from their cradles, had been haunted pertained. 

2 



10 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I. 

wards was chosen their pastor.* But these afterwards 
falling into some errours m y e Low Countries, ther (for y e 
most part) buried them selves, & their names. 

But in this other church f (w ch must be y e subjecte of 
our discourse) besids other worthy men, was M r . Richard 
Clifton, a grave & revered preacher, who by his paines 
and dilligens had done much good, and under God had 
ben a means of y e conversion of many. And also that 
famous and worthy man M r . John Robinson, who after- 
wards was their pastor for many years, till y e Lord tooke 
him away by death. Also M r . William Brewster a rev- 
erent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of y e 
church and lived with them till old age. 

But after these things they could not long continue in 
any peaceable condition, but were hunted & persecuted 
on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as 
nea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon 
them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison, 
others had their houses besett & watcht night and day, 
& hardly escaped their hands ; and y e most were faine 
to flie & leave their howses & habitations, and the means 
of their livelehood. Yet these & many other sharper 
things which affterward befell them, were 'no other then 
they looked for, and therfore were y e better prepared to 
bear them by y e assistance of Gods grace & spirite. 
Yet seeing them selves thus molested, [7] and that ther was 
no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente 
they resolved to goe into y e Low-Countries, wher they 
heard was freedome of Religion for all men ; as also how 
sundrie from London, & other parts of y e land, had been 
exiled and persecuted for y e same cause, & were gone 
thither, and lived at Amsterdam, & in other places of 
y e land. So afTter they had continued togeither aboute a 

* This church was at Gainsborough. New Plymouth, pp. 7, 26, 27, London, 

See Founders of New Plymouth, 2d 1849. A tract by Rev. Joseph Hunter, 

ed., p. 89. — Ed. F. A. S.", invaluable to the student of 

f Located in the village of Scrooby, Pilgrim history. — Ed. 
Nottinghamshire. See Founders of 






1606-1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 11 

year,* and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place 
or other, exercising the worship of God amongst them 
selves, notwithstanding all y e dilligence & malice of their 
adversaries, they seeing they could no longer continue 
in y l condition, they resolved to get over into Hollad as 
they could ; which was in y e year 1607. & 1608. ; of 
which more at large in y e next chap. 



2. Chap. 

Of their departure into Holland and their troubls ther 
aboute, ivith some of y e many difficulties they found and 
mete withall. 

An . 1608. 

Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and 
countrie, their lands & livings, and all their freinds & 
famillier acquaintance, it was much, and thought mar- 
velous by many. But to goe into a countrie they knew 
not (but by hearsay), wher they must learne a new lan- 
guage, and get their livings they knew not how, it being 
a dear place, & subjecte to y e misseries of warr, it was 
by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case 
intolerable, & a misserie worse then death. Espetially 
seeing they were not aquainted with trads nor traffique, 
(by which y l countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been 
used to a plaine countrie life, & y e inocente trade of hus- 
bandry. But these things did not dismay them (though 
they did some times trouble them) for their desires were 
sett on y e ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances ; but 
they rested on his providence, & knew whom they had 
beleeved. Yet [8] this was not all, for though they could 
not stay, yet were y e not suffered to goe, but y e ports & 
havens were shut against them, so as they were faine to 

* As a "distinct church"? See Morton's Memorial, p. 1; Prince, I. 
p. 9. The first joining "into a church 4, 5 ; Founders of New Plymouth, 2d 
estate" may have been in 1602. See ed., p. 89. — Ed. 



12 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II. 

seeke secrete means of conveance, & to bribe & fee y e 
mariners, & give exterordinarie rates for their passages. 
And yet were they often times betrayed (many of them), 
and both they & their goods intercepted & surprised, 
and therby put to great trouble & charge, of which I will 
give an instance or tow, & omitte the rest. 

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get 
passage at Boston in Lincolin-shire, and for that end had 
hired a shipe wholy to them selves, & made agreement 
with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take 
them and their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they 
accordingly would all attende in readines. So after long 
waiting, & large expences, though he kepte not day with 
them, yet he came at length & tooke them in, in y e night. 
But when he had them & their goods abord, he betrayed 
them, haveing before hand complotted with y e serchers & 
other officers so to doe ; who tooke them, and put them 
into open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, searching 
them to their shirts for money, yea even y e women furder 
then became modestie ; and then caried them back into 
y e towne, & made them a spectackle & wonder to y e mul- 
titude, which came flocking on all sids to behould them. 
Being thus first, by the chatchpoule officers, rifled, & 
stripte of their money, books, and much other goods, they 
were presented to y e magestrates, and messengers sente to 
informe y e lords of y e Counsell of them ; and so they were 
coihited to ward. Indeed y e magestrats used them cour- 
teously, and shewed them what favour they could; but 
could not deliver them, till order came from y e Counsell- 
table. But y e issue was that after a months imprison- 
mente, y e greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to y e places 
from whence they came ; but 7. of y e principall* were still 
kept in prison, and bound over to y e Assises.f 

* Elder Brewster was one of these, the year 1608, must be understood as 

See notice of him under the year 1643. having been made before the close of 

— Ed. the preceding year. See concluding 

f This first attempt " to get over part of last chapter. — Ed. 
into Holland," though related under 



1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 13 

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made 
by some of these & others, to get over at an other place. 
And it so fell out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, 
having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand ; they 
made agreemente with him, and acquainted [9] him with 
their condition, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, 
then in y e former of their owne nation. He bad them not 
fear, for he would doe well enough. He was by appoint- 
ment to take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher 
was a large coihone a good way distante from any towne. 
Now aganst the prefixed time, the women & children, 
with y e goods, were sent to y e place in a small barke, 
which they had hired for y 1 end ; and y e men were to 
meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they were 
ther a day before y e shipe came, & y e sea being rough, 
and y e women very sicke, prevailed with y e seamen to put 
into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground at low- 
water. The nexte morning y e shipe came, but they were 
fast, & could not stir till aboute noone. In y e mean time, 
y e shipe maister, perceiveing how y e matter was, sente his 
boate to be getting y e men abord whom he saw ready, 
walking aboute y e shore. But after y e first boat full was 
gott abord, & she was ready to goe for more, the m r espied 
a greate company, both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, 
& other weapons ; for y e countrie was raised to take them. 
Y e Dutch-man seeing j\ swore his countries oath, " sacre- 
mente," and having y e wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed 
sayles, & away. But y e poore men which were gott abord, 
were in great distress for their wives and children, which 
they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their 
helps ; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte 
them with, more then they had on their baks, & some 
scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord y e 
barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they 
had they would have given to have been a shore againe ; 
but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, they must thus 



14 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II. 

sadly part. And afterward endured a fearfull storme at 
sea, being 14. days or more before y ey arived at their porte, 
in 7. wherof they neither saw son, moone, nor stars, & 
were driven near y e coast of Norway ; the mariners them 
selves often despairing of life ; and once with shriks & 
cries gave over all, as if y e ship had been foundred in y e 
sea, & they sinking without recoverie. But when mans 
hope & helpe wholy failed, y e Lords power & mercie ap- 
peared in ther recoverie ; for y e ship rose againe, & gave 
y e mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modes- 
tie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente [10] 
prayres they cried unto y e Lord in this great distres, (es- 
petialy some of them,) even without any great distraction, 
when y e water rane into their mouthes & ears ; & the 
mariners cried out, We sinke, we sinke ; they cried (if not 
with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of de- 
vine faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst 
save ; with shuch other expressions as I will forbeare. 
Upon which y e ship did not only recover, but shortly after 
y e violence of y e storme begane to abate, and y e Lord filed 
their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every one 
caiiot understand, and in y e end brought them to their 
desired Haven, wher y e people came flockeing admiring 
their deliverance, the storme having ben so longe & sore, 
in which much hurt had been don, as y ft masters freinds 
related unto him in their congratulations. 

But to returne to y e others wher we left. The rest of 
y e men y l were in greatest danger, made shift to escape 
away before y e troope could surprise them; those only 
staying y l best might, to be assistante unto y e women. 
But pitifull it was to see y e heavie case of these poore 
women in this distress ; what weeping & crying on every 
side, some for their husbands, that were caried away in 
y c ship as is before related ; others not knowing what 
should become of them, & their litle ones ; others againe 
melted in teares, seeing their poore litle ones hanging 



1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 15 

aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. 
Being thus aprehended, they were hurried from one place 
to another, and from one justice to another, till in y e ende 
they knew not what to doe with them ; for to imprison 
so many women & innocent children for no other cause 
(many of them) but that they must goe with their hus- 
bands, semed to be unreasonable and all would crie out 
of them ; and to send them home againe was as difficult, 
for they aledged, as y e trueth was, they had no homes to 
goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of 
their houses & livings. To be shorte, after they had been 
thus turmoyled a good while, and conveyed from one con- 
stable to another, they were glad to be ridd of them in 
y e end upon any termes ; for all were wearied & tired 
with them. Though in y e mean time they (poore soules) 
indured miserie enough ; and thus in y e end necessitie 
forste a way for them. 

But y l I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte 
y e rest, though I might relate many other notable passages 
and troubles which they endured & underwente in these 
their wanderings <fe travells both at land & sea; but I hast 
to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte y e fruite that 
came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many 
eminente places, their cause became famouss, & occasioned 
many to looke into y e same ; and their godly cariage & 
Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression 
in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at 
these first conflicts & sharp beginings, (as it was no mar- 
veil,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, & great- 
ly animated others. And in y e end, notwithstanding all 
these stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length, 
some at one time & some at an other, and some in one 
place & some in an other, and mette togeather againe 
according to their desires, with no small rejoycing. 



16 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III. 

The 3. Chap. 

Of their setting in Holand, fy their maner of living, $* 
entertainmente ther. 

Being now come into y e Low Countries, they saw many 
goodly & fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with 
troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange & un- 
couth language, and beheld y e differente mailers & cus- 
tumes of y e people, with their strange fashons and attires ; 
all so farre differing from y l of their plaine countrie vil- 
lages (wherin they were bred, & had so longe lived) as it 
seemed they were come into a new world. But these 
were not y e things they much looked on, or long tooke 
up their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, & 
an other kind of warr to wage & maintaine. For though 
they saw faire & bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance 
of all sorts of welth & riches, yet it was not longe before 
they saw the grime & grisly face of povertie coming upon 
them like an armed man, with whom they must bukle 
& incounter, and from whom they could not flye ; but 
they were armed with faith & patience against him, and 
all his encounters ; and though they were sometimes 
foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got y e 
victorie. 

Now when M r . Robinson, M r . Brewster, & other princi- 
pall members were come over, (for they were of y e last, & 
stayed to help y e weakest over before them,) such things 
were [12] thought on as were necessarie for their setling 
and best ordering of y e church affairs. And when they had 
lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, M r . Robinson, their 
pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how 
M r . John Smith and his companie was allready fallen in to 
contention with y e church y l was ther before them, & no 
means they could use would doe any good to cure y e same, 
and also that y e flames of contention were like to breake 



1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 17 

out in y l anciente church* it selfe (as affterwards lamen- 
tably came to pass) ; which things they prudently fore- 
seeing, thought it was best to remove, before they were 
any way engaged with y e same ; though they well knew 
it would be much to y e prejudice of their outward estats, 
both at presente & in licklyhood in y e future ; as indeed 
it proved to be. 

Their remoovall to Lei/den. 

For these & some other reasons they removed to Ley- 
den, a fair & bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, 
but made more famous by y 3 universitie wherwith it is 
adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men. 
But wanting that trafnke by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, 
it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living 
& estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such 
trads & imployments as they best could ; valewing peace 
& their spirituall comforte above any other riches what- 
soever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente 
& comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor. 

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they contin- 
ued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much 
sweete & delightefull societie & spirituall comforte to- 
geather in y e wayes of God, under y e able ministrie, and 
prudente governmente of M r . John Robinson, & M r . Wil- 
liam Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in y e place 
of an Elder, unto which he was now called & chosen by 
the church. So as they grew in knowledge & other gifts 
& graces of y e spirite of God, & lived togeather in peace, 
& love, and holines ; and many came unto them from 
diverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congre- 
gation. And if at any time any differences arose, or of- 
fences broak [13] out (as it cannot be, but some time ther 

* The church of which Johnson and tract entitled " The Prophane Schisme 

Ainsworth were pastor and teacher, of the Brownists or Separatists," 1612. 

See Young's Chronicles of the Pil- — Ed. 
grims, pp. 24, 445, 448. See also a 

3 



18 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III. 

will, even amongst y e best of men) they were ever so mete 
with, and nipt in y e head betims, or otherwise so well 
composed, as still love, peace, and communion was con- 
tinued ; or els y e church purged of those that were incura- 
ble & incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no 
other means would serve, which seldom came to pass. 
Yea such was y e mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that 
this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, 
that it might be said of them as it once was of y l fa- 
mouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious, # and y e people of 
Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted 
more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such 
a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and his 
care was all ways bente for their best good, both for soule 
and body ■ for besids his singuler abilities in devine things 
(wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give direc- 
tions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers & inconven- 
iences ; by w ch means he was very helpfull to their out- 
ward estats, & so was every way as a commone father 
unto them. And none did more oifend him then those 
that were close and cleaving to them selves, and retired 
from y e commoe good; as also such as would be stiffe & 
riged in matters of outward order, and invey against y e 
evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, and 
not so carefull to express a vertuous conversation. They 
in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, & 
had him in precious estimation, as his worth & wisdom 
did deserve ; and though they esteemed him highly whilst 
he lived & laboured amongst them, yet much more after 
his death,f when they came to feele y 6 wante of his help, 
and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had 
lost, to y e greefe of their harts, and wounding of their 
sowls ; yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired ; 

* Goulden booke, &c. [The Golden f Mr. Robinson died at Leyden, 

Book of Marcus Aurelius was first March lst> 1624-5. See notice of his 

primed in English in 1534. See Dib- death under the year 1626. — Ed. 
din's Typog. Antiq., III. 289. — Ed.] 



1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 19 

for it was as hard for them to find such another leader 
and feeder in all respects, as for y e Taborits to find an- 
other Ziska.* And though they did not call themselves 
orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they had 
cause as much to lamente, in another regard, their present 
condition, and after usage. But to returne ; I know not 
but it may be spoken to y e honour of God, & without preju- 
dice [14] to any, that such was y e true pietie, y e humble 
zeale, & fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived 
together) towards God and his waies, and y e single harted- 
nes & sinceir affection one towards another, that they 
came as near y e primative patterne of y e first churches, as 
any other church of these later times have done, accord- 
ing to their ranke & qualitie. 

But seeing it is not my porpose to treat of y e severall 
passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in 
y e Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large 
treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to shew y e begining 
of this plantation, which is that I aime at ; yet because 
some of their adversaries did, upon y e rumore of their 
removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state 
had been wearie of them, & had rather driven them out 
(as y e heathen historians did faine of Moyses & y e Isralits 
when they went out of Egipte),f then y l it was their 
owne free choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a per- 
ticuler or too to shew y e contrary, and y e good acceptation 
they had in y e place wher they lived. And first though 
many of them weer poore, yet ther was none so poore, but 
if they were known to be of y l congregation, the Dutch 
(either bakers or others) would trust them in any reason- 
able matter when y ey wanted money. Because they had 
found by experience how carfull they were to keep their 

* For an account of John Ziska (or Middle Ages, I. 463 ; and Encyclo- 

Zisca), the Hussite, the blind general paedia Americana. — Ed. 

and leader of the Bohemian insurgents, f See Works of Tacitus, Oxford 

who was never defeated, see Mosheim's translation, Book V. of the History. — 

Eccles. Hist., Cent. XV. ; Hallam's Ed. 



20 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III. 

word, and saw them so painfull & dilligente in their call- 
ings ; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, and to 
imploy them above others, in their worke, for their hones- 
tie & diligence. 

Againe ; y e magistrats of y e citie, aboute y e time of their 
coming away, or a litle before, in y e publick place of jus- 
tice, gave this comendable testemoney of them, in y e re- 
proofe of the Wallons * who were of y e French church in 
y l citie. These English, said they, have lived amongst us 
now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accu- 
sation came against any of them ; but your strifs & qua- 
rels are continuall, &c. In these times allso were y e great 
troubls raised by y c Arminians, who, as they greatly mol- 
lested y e whole state, so this citie in particuler, in which 
was y e cheefe universitie ; so as ther were dayly & hote 
disputs in y e - schooles ther aboute ; and as y e studients & 
other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin, so 
were y e 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves ; the 
one daly teaching for it, y e other against it. Which grew 
to that pass, that few of the discipls of y e one would hear 
y e other teach. But M r . Robinson, though he taught 
thrise a weeke him selfe, & write sundrie books,-)- besids 
his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly 
[15] to hear ther readings, and heard y e one as well as 
y e other ; by which means he was so well grounded in y e 
controversie, and saw y e force of all their arguments, and 
knew y e shifts of y e adversarie, and being him selfe very 



* The Walloons inhabited the south- wife of Francis Cooke, who came in 

ern Belgic provinces bordering on the Mayflower, was a Walloon. See 

France, and, speaking the old French Brodhead's New York, pp. 146, 147, 

language, "they were termed Gallois, and Winslow in Young, p. 394. — Ed. 
which was changed, in Low Dutch, f A collection of the " Works of 

into Waalsche, and in English into John Robinson " was printed in London 

Walloon." Many of them were Prot- in 1851, with a memoir and annotations 

estants, and, being subject to an unre- by Robert Ashton. One scarce tract, 

lenting persecution by the Spanish gov- not in that collection, is printed in Mass. 

ernment, emigrated in great numbers Hist. Coll., Vol. I. of the 4th Series, 

into Holland, carrying with them a — Ed. 
knowledge of the industrial arts. The 



1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 21 

able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him sclfe, 
as appered by sundrie disputs ; so as he begane to be ter- 
rible to y e Arminians ; which made Episcopius (y e Armin- 
ian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth 
sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he would defend 
against all men. Now Poliander y e other proffessor, and 
y e cheefe preachers of y e citie, desired M r . Robinson to dis- 
pute against him ; but he was loath, being a stranger ; yet 
the other did importune him, and tould him y l such was 
y e abilitie and nimblnes of y e adversarie, that y e truth 
would suffer if he did not help them. So as he condesend- 
ed, & prepared him selfe against the time ; and when y e 
day came, the Lord did so help him to defend y e truth & 
foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent non- 
plus, in this great & publike audience. And y e like he 
did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. The which 
as it caused many to praise God y l the trueth had so fa- 
mous victory, so it procured him much honour & respecte 
from those lerned men & others which loved y e trueth.* 
Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him & his peo- 
ple, or desiring their absence, as it was said by some, of 
no mean note, that were it not for giveing offence to y° 
state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise 
if he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea 
when ther was speech of their remoovall into these parts, 
sundrie of note & eminencie of y l nation would have had 
them come under them, and for y l end made them large 
offers.*]* Now though I might aledg many other perticu- 
lers & examples of y e like kinde, to shew y e untruth & 
unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing 
it was beleeved of few, being only raised by y e malice of 
some, who laboured their disgrace. 



* See also Winslow in Young, p. and Brodhead's Hist, of New York, pp. 
392. — Ed. 123-126; also comp. Barry's Hist. 

| See Winslow in Young, p. 385, Mass., pp. 73, 74. — Ed. 



22 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV. 

The 4. Chap. 
Shoiving y e reasons $• causes of their remoovalL 

After they had lived in this citie about some 11. or 
12. years, (which is y e more observable being y e whole time 
of y l famose truce between that state & y e Spaniards,*) 
and sundrie of them were taken away by death, & many 
others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris 
Experience haveing taught them many things, [16] those 
prudent governours with sundrie of y e sagest members 
begane both deeply to apprehend their present dangers, & 
wisely to foresee y e future, & thinke of timly remedy. In 
y e agitation of their thoughts, and much discours of things 
hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclu- 
sion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any 
newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which 
men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt & dan- 
ger, but for sundrie weightie & solid reasons ; some of y e 
cheefe of which I will hear breefly touch. And first, they 
saw & found by experience the hardnes of y e place & cun- 
trie to be such, as few in comparison would come to them, 
and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. 
For many y l came to them, and many more y l desired to 
be with them, could not endure y l great labor and hard 
fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent & 
were contented with. But though they loved their per- 
sons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, 
yet they left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her 
mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in 
Utica, who desired to be excused & borne with, though 
they could not all be Catoes.-j* For many, though they 



* This " famous truce," so long de- Hist, of the Netherlands, p. 227. — 

sired, embraced a period of twelve years, Ed. 

ending in 1621. It was signed on the f See Plutarch's Life of Cato the 

9th of April, 1609. See Grattan's Younger. — Ed. 






1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.. 23 

desired to injoye y e ordinances of God in their puritie, and 
y e libertie of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admit- 
ted of bondage, with danger of conscience, rather then to 
indure these hardships ; yea, some preferred & chose y e 
prisons in England, rather then this libertie in Holland, 
with these afhictions. But it was thought that if a better 
and easier place of living could be had, it would draw 
many, & take away these discouragments. Yea, their pas- 
tor would often say, that many of those w° both wrate & 
preached now against them, if they were in a place wher 
they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would 
then practise as they did. 

2 ly . They saw that though y e people generally bore all 
these difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute cour- 
age, being in y e best & strength of their years, yet old 
age began to steale on many of them, (and their great & 
continuall labours, with other crosses and sorrows, has- 
tened it before y e time,) so as it was not only probably 
thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years 
more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities 
pressing them, or sinke under their burdens, or both. And 
therfore according to y e devine proverb, y l a wise man 
seeth y e plague when it cometh, & hideth him selfe, Pro. 
22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten souldiers were fear- 
full either to be intrapped or surrounded by their enimies, 
so as they should neither be able to fight nor fTie ; and 
therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place 
of better advantage & less danger, if any such could be 
found. [16]* Thirdly; as necessitie was a taskmaster over 
them, so they were forced to be such, not only to their ser- 
vants, but in a sorte, to their dearest chilldren ; the which 
as it did not a litle wound y e tender harts of many a lov- 
ing father & mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad 
& sorowful effects. For many of their children, that were 
of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing 

* Number 16 is repeated in the paging of the original. — Ed. 



24 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV. 

lernde to bear y e yoake in their youth, and willing to bear 
parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so op- 
pressed with their hevie labours, that though their minds 
were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under y e 
weight of y e same, and became decreped in their early 
youth ; the vigor of nature being consumed in y e very 
budd as it were. But that which was more lamentable, 
and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many 
of their children, by these occasions, and y e great licen- 
tiousnes of youth in y l countrie, and y e manifold temp- 
tations of the place, were drawn e away by evill examples 
into extravagante & dangerous courses, getting y e raines 
off their neks, & departing from their parents. Some 
became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by 
sea, and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes 
& the danger of their soules, to y e great greefe of their 
parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their 
posteritie would be in danger to degenerate & be cor- 
rupted. 

Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & in- 
ward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at 
least to make some way therunto, for y e propagating & 
advancing y e gospell of y e kingdom of Christ in those re- 
mote parts of y e world ; yea, though they should be but 
even as stepping-stones unto others for y e performing of 
so great a work. 

These, & some other like reasons* moved them to 
undertake this resolution of their removall ; the which 
they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by 
the sequell will appeare. 

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast 
& unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull & 
fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants, 
wher ther are only salvage & brutish men, which range 
up and downe, litle otherwise then y e wild beasts of the 

* See Winslow in Young, p. 385, for additional reasons. — Ed. 



1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 25 

same. This proposition being made publike and coming 
to y e scaning of all, it raised many variable opinions 
amongst men, and caused many fears & doubts amongst 
them selves. Some, from their reasons & hops conceived, 
laboured to stirr up & incourage the rest to undertake & 
prosecute y e same ; others, againe, out of their fears, ob- 
jected against it, & sought to diverte from it, aledging 
many things, and those neither unreasonable nor unprob- 
able; as that it was a great designe, and subjecte to 
many unconceivable perills & dangers ; as, besids the 
casulties of y e seas (which none can be freed from) the 
length of y e vioage was such, as y e weake bodys of 
women and other persons worne out with age & traville 
(as many of them were) could never be able to endure. 
And yet if they should, the miseries of y e land which 
they should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be 
borne ; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to con- 
sume & utterly to ruinate them. For ther they should 
be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y e wante, in a maner, 
of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & drinking of 
water, would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and 
greevous diseases. And also those which should escape 
or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in continuall 
danger of y e salvage people, who are cruell, barbarous, & 
most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and 
merciles wher they overcome ; not being contente only to 
kill, & take away life, but delight to tormente men in y e 
most bloodie mailer that may be; fleaing some alive with 
y e shells of fishes, cutting of y e members & joynts of oth- 
ers by peesmeale, and broiling on y e coles, eate y e collops 
of their flesh in their sight whilst they live ; with other 
cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not 
be thought but y e very hearing of these things could not 
but move y e very bowels of men to grate within them, and 
make y e weake to quake & tremble. It was furder ob- 
jected, that it would require greater sumes of money to 

4 



26 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV. 

furnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, 
then their consumed estats would amounte too ; and yett 
they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies, as 
presently to be trasported. Also many presidents of ill 
success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in the like 
designes, were easie to be found, and not forgotten to be 
aledged; besids their owne experience, in their former 
troubles & hardships in their removall into Holand, and 
how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange 
place, though it was a neighbour countrie, & a civill and 
rich comone wealth. 

It was answered, that all great & honourable actions 
are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both 
enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It 
was granted y e dangers were great, but not desperate ; the 
difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though 
their were many of them likly, yet they were not car- 
taine ; it might be sundrie of y e things feared might never 
befale ; others by providente care & y e use of good means, 
might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of them, 
through y e help of God, by fortitude and patience, might 
either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such 
atempts were not to be made and undertaken without 
good ground & reason ; not rashly or lightly as many 
have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their con- 
dition was not ordinarie ; their ends were good & honour- 
able ; their calling lawfull, & urgente ; and therfore they 
might expecte y e blessing of God in their proceding. Yea, 
though they should loose their lives in this action, yet 
might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors 
would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in 
exile, & in a poore condition ; and as great miseries might 
possibly befale them in this place, for y e 12. years of truce 
were now out, & ther. was nothing but beating of drumes, 
and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway un- 
certaine. Y e Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the 



1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 27 

salvages of America, and y e famine and pestelence as sore 
hear as ther, & their libertie less to looke out for remcdie. 
After many other perticuler things answered & aledged 
on both sids, it was fully concluded by y e major parte, to 
put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it by the 
best means they could. 

The 5. Chap. 

Shewing what means they used for preparation to this 
waightie vioag. 

And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his di- 
rection & assistance, 8c a generall conferrence held hear 
aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to pitch 
upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y e meanest) had 
thoughts 8c were ernest for Guiana, or some of those 
fertill places in those hott climats ; others were for some 
parts of Virginia, wher y e English had all ready made 
enterance, & begining. Those for Guiana^ aledged y l the 
cuntrie was rich, fruitfull, 8c blessed with a perpetuall 
spring, and a florishing greenes ; where vigorous nature 
brought forth all things in abundance & plentie without 
any great labour or art of man. So as it must needs 
make y e inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of clothing 
and other things would serve, then in more coulder & less 
frutfull countries must be had. As also y l the Spaniards 
(having much more then they could possess) had not yet 
planted there, nor any where very near y e same. But to 
this it was answered, that out of question y e countrie was 
both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches & 
maintenance to y e possessors, more easily then y e other ; 

* The latest account of Guiana which Guiana," &c. He had a patent from 

had been published at that time was King James for a plantation there, and 

by Robert Harcourt, of Stanton Har- issued proposals to adventurers and 

court, Esquire, who made a voyage planters in the Appendix to his tract, 

thither in 1609, and published the re- See also Howes's continuation of 

suits of it in 1613 and 1614, in a work Stow's Annals, ed. 1615, p. 943. —Ed. 
entitled " A Relation of a Voyage to 



28 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for 
them. And first, y l such hott countries are subject to 
greevuos diseases, and many noysome impediments, which 
other more temperate places are freer from, and would not 
so well agree with our English bodys. Againe, if they 
should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard would 
never suffer them long, but would displante or overthrow 
them, as he did y e French in Florida,* who were seated 
furder from his richest countries ; and the sooner because 
they should have none to protect them, & their owne 
strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an enemie, 
& so neare a neighbor. 

On y e other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if 
they lived among y e English w ch wear ther planted, or 
so near them as to be under their goverment, they should 
be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for 
the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it 
might be worse. And if they lived too farr of, they 
should neither have succour, nor defence from them. 

But at length y e conclusion was, to live as a distincte 
body by them selves, under y e generall Goverment of 
Virginia ; f and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that 
he would be pleased to grant them freedome of Religion ; 
and y l this might be obtained, they wear putt in good 

* In 1565. See Bancroft, 1. 68. — Ed. Plymouth, who were to plant between 

| " The Virginia Company was estab- the 38th and the 45th degrees. Each 

lished in 1606. On the 10th of April Company was to be under the govern- 

of that year, King James, by letters ment of a council of thirteen, and nei- 

patent, divided a strip of land, of 100 ther of them was to plant within a hun- 

miles wide, along the Atlantic coast of dred miles of a previous settlement made 

North America, extending from the by the other. The Second or Plymouth 

34th to the 45th degree of north latitude, Company made the unsuccessful at- 

— a territory which then went under the tempt, in 1607, to establish a colony 

common name of Virginia, — between near the mouth of the Kennebec. The 

two companies, who were to colonize First or London Company was the one 

it. The First or Southern Colony was to which the agents of the Pilgrims 

granted to certain knights, gentlemen, applied, and which seems at this time 

merchants, and adventurers of London, to have appropriated to itself exclusive- 

who were to colonize between the 34th ly the title of the Virginia Company." 

and 41st degrees. The Second or North- Young, in Chron. Pilgr., p. 54. See 

ern Colony was granted to persons of also Prince, 1. 17, and Stith's Virginia, 

like description in Bristol, Exeter, and Appendix. — Ed. 



1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 29 

hope by some great persons, of good ranke & qualitie, 
that were made their freinds. Whereupon 2.* were 
chosen [19] & sent in to England (at y e charge of y e rest) 
to sollicite this matter, who found the Virginia Company 
very desirous to have them goe thither, and willing to 
grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they 
had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best fur- 
derance they could. And some of y e cheefe of y l company 
douted not to obtaine their suite of y e king for liberty in 
Eeligion, and to have it confirmed under y e kings broad 
seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder 
peece of worke then they tooke it for ; for though many 
means were used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be 
effected ; for ther were diverse of good worth laboured 
with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was one of 
his cheefe secretaries,^) and some other wrought with y e 
archbishop to give way therunto ; but it proved all in 
vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in sounding his ma- 
jesties mind, that he w T ould connive at them, & not molest 
them, provided they carried them selves peacably. But 
to allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under 
his seale, they found it would not be. And this was all 
the cheefe of y e Virginia companie or any other of their 
best freinds could doe in y e case. Yet they perswaded 
them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be 
troubled. And with this answer y e messengers returned, 
and signified what diligence had bene used, and to what 
issue things were come. 

But this made a dampe in y e busines. and caused some 
distraction, for many were afraid that if they should un- 
setle them selves, & put of their estates, and goe upon these 
hopes, it might prove dangerous, and prove but a sandie 

* From the letter of Sir Edwin San- f Sr. Robert Nanton. [Sir Robert 

dys, on pages 30, 31, it appears that Naunton was sworn Secretary of State, 

this was in the autumn of 1617, and January 8, 1618. See Memoir prefixed 

that the two agents were Robert Cush- to Fragmenta Regalia, 1824. See also 

man and John Carver. — Ed. Winslow in Young, p. 382. — Ed.] 



30 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have 
presumed hear upon without makeing any suite at all, 
then, haveing made it, to be thus rejected. But some of 
y e cheefest thought other wise, and y l they might well pro- 
ceede hereupon, & that y e kings majestie w r as willing 
enough to suffer them without molestation, though for 
other reasons he would not confirme it by any publick 
acte. And furdermore, if ther was no securitie in this 
promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a 
furder confirmation of y e same ; for if after wards ther 
should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they 
had a seale as broad as y e house flore, it would not serve 
y e turne ; for ther would be means enew found to recall 
or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, 
they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had 
done in other things. 

Upon this resolution, other messengers* were dis- 
patched, to end with y e Virginia Company as well as they 
could. And to procure [20] a patent with as good and 
ample conditions as they might by any good means ob- 
taine. As also to treate and conclude with such mer- 
chants and other freinds as had manifested their forward- 
nes to provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For 
which end they had instructions given them upon* what 
conditions they should proceed with them, or els to con- 
clude nothing without further advice. And here it will 
be requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give light 
to these proceedings. 

A coppie of leter from S r : Edwin Sands, directed to M r . John 
Robinson 8f M r . William Brewster. 

After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congrega- 
tion, Robert Cushman & John Carver, have been in coniunica- 
tion with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counseli 
for Virginia ; and by y e writing of 7. Articles subscribed with 

* Cushman and Brewster. See pages 31 and 36 - 38. — Ed. 



1617.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 31 



your names, have given them y l good degree of satisfaction, 
which hath caried them on with a resolution to sett forward 
your desire in y e best sorte y l may be, for your owne & the pub- 
lick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their faithfull 
reporte ; having carried them selves heere with that good dis- 
cretion, as is both to their owne and their credite from whence 
they came. And wheras being to treate for a multitude of peo- 
ple, they have requested further time to conferr with them that 
are to be interessed in this action, aboute y e severall particulari- 
ties which in y e prosecution therof will fall out considerable, it 
hath been very willingly assented too. And so they doe now 
returne unto you.* If therfore it may please God so to directe 
your desires as that on your parts tber fall out no just impedi- 
ments, I trust by y e same direction it shall likewise appear, that 
on our parte, all forwardnes to set you forward shall be found 
in y e best sorte which with reason may be expected. And so I 
betake you with this designe (w ch I hope verily is y e worke of 
God), to the gracious protection and blessing of y e Highest. 
London, Noyb r : 12. Your very loving freind 

An : 1617. Edwin Sandys.j 

Their answer ivas as foloweth. 

Righte WorP 1 : 

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, 
and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente 
of your singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so 
more spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our 

* If both these agents returned to date of Cushman's letter (May 8, 1619) 

Leyden at this time, it would appear on pages 36 - 38. Young (page 468) 

from the following letter of Robinson thinks it probable that Brewster, whose 

and Brewster, that Carver was sent apprehension was sought for by the au- 

back again the next month (December), thorities at Leyden at the instigation of 

to continue the negotiations with the the English court, did not return there, 

Council of Virginia ; having a " gen- but kept close till the Mayflower sailed, 
tleman of their company" associated Prince, citing this History for the 

with him in the agency. The time of above transactions, appears to place the 

his return from this second visit is not arrival and departure of these last mes- 

given. Subsequently, Cushman and sengers under specific dates, for which 

Brewster were sent over, and were there is certainly no authority here. — 

doubtless the messengers alluded to by Ed. 

Bradford on page 30, who " were dis- f For a notice of Sir Edwin Sandys, 

patched to end with the Virginia Com- one of the principal members of the 

pany." The time of their arrival in Virginia Company, see Wood's Athense 

London or return to Leyden is un- Oxon., II. 472, and especially Hunter's 

certain, but it is certain that they had tract on the Founders of New Plymouth, 

been in England for some time at the pp. 36-38 (ed. 1849). — Ed. 



32 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

good in this weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which y e less 
able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more 
bound to comend in our prayers unto God for recompence ; 
whom, as for y e presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, 
so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God as- 
sisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto 
y e labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with y e best 
speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our 
requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, w th the hands of 
y e greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente y e same 
unto y e Counsell by our agente, & a deacon of our church, John 
Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our 
company to adyone him selfe ; to the care & discretion of which 
two, we doe referr y e prosecuting of y e bussines. Now we per- 
swade our selves Right WorPP: that we need not provoke your 
godly & loving minde to any further or more tender care of us, 
since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your selfe, that, 
under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye 
upon you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your 
wisdome, & the help & countenance of your authority. Not- 
withstanding, for your encouragmente in y e worke, so farr as 
probabilities may leade, we will not forbeare to mention these 
instances of indusmente. 

1. We veryly beleeve & trust y e Lord is with us, unto whom 
& whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and 
that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to y e 
simplicitie of our harts therin. 

2K We are well weaned from y e delicate milke of our mother 
countrie, and enured to y e difficulties of a strange and hard land, 
which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 

3^. The people are for the body of them, industrious, & fru- 
gall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in 
the world. 

4 ly . We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte & 
sacred bond* and covenante of the Lord, of the violation wherof 



* Note. — O sacred bond, whilst in- dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been 

viollably preserved ! how sweete and the will of God) or els that this holy 

precious were the fruits that flowed care and constante faithfullnes had still 

from y e same, but when this fidelity lived, and remained with those that 

decayed, then their ruine approached, survived, and were in times afterwards 

O that these anciente members had not added unto them. But (alass) that sub- 



1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 33 

we make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould 
our selves straitly tied to all care of each others good, and of 
y e whole by every one and so mutually. 

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small 
things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish 
them selves at home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in 
England, and in Holand ; we shall much prejudice both our 
arts & means by removall ; who, if we should be driven to 
returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and 
comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine 
unto y e like in any other place during our lives, w ch are now 
drawing towards their periods. 

[22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, 
which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our 
worPP: freinds of y e Counsell with you; of all whose godly dis- 
possition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most 
glad, and shall not faile by all good means to continue & in- 
crease y e same. "We will not be further troublesome, but doe, 
with y e renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
Wor^: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any 
other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our 
leaves, comiting your persons and counsels to y e guidance and 
direction of the Almighty. 

_ • Yours much bounden in all duty, 

Leyden, Desem: 15. T -r, 

J . ' - „■ ' John Robinson, 

An : 1617. w -p 

William JJrewster. 

For further light in these proceedings see some other 
letters & notes as followeth. 

The coppy of a letter sent to S r . John Worssenham.* 

Right WorP 11 : with due acknowledgmente of our thankfull- 
nes for your singular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia, 

till serpente hath slylie wound in him- wante therof (in a great measure), and 

selfe under faire pretences of necessitie with greefe and sorrow of hart to la- 

and ye like, to untwiste these sacred mente & bewaile y e same. And for 

bonds and tyes, and as it were insensi- others warning and admonnition, and 

bly by degrees to dissolve, or in a great my owne humiliation, doe I hear note 

measure to weaken, y e same. I have y e same. 

been happy, in my first times, to see, [The above reflections of the author 

and with much comforte to injoye, the were penned at a later period, on the 

blessed fruits of this sweete communion, reverse pages of his History, at this 

but it is now a parte of my miserie in place. — Ed.] 

old age, to find and feele ye decay and * Sir John Wolstenholme, one of the 

5 



34 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

for our, &, we hope, the comone good, we doe remember our 
humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, 
a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified 
by some of his majesties Hon bl Privie Counsell ; and though it 
be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made 
against us, yet we are most glad of y e occasion of making our 
just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations 
we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall, which 
we thinke y e fitter to be presented ; the other something more 
large, and in which we express some smale accidentall differ- 
ances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our worP 1 
freinds, you may send in stead of y e former. Our prayers unto 
God is, y l your WorPP may see the frute of your worthy en- 
deaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by all 
good means in us. And so praing y l you would please with 
y e convenientest speed y l may be, to give us knowledge of y e 
success of y e bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and 
accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direc- 
tion or furtherance in y e same, so we rest 

_ Your WorPP in all duty, 

Leyden, Jan : 27. t -n 

An \c<m i-, + -i * John Robinson, 

An : 1617. old stile.* w -„ 

William Brewster. 

The first breefe note was this. 

Touching y e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for 
teaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing y e churches 
contribution, as allso' for y e too Sacrements, baptisme, and y e 
Lords supper, we doe w T holy and in all points agree [23] with 
y e French reformed churches, according to their publick con- 
fession of faith. 

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be re- 
quired of us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by 
our taking y e oath of Alleagence. 

John Rob : 
William Brewster. 

Y e 2. was this. 

Touching y e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, &c. as in y e former, we 
agree in all things with the French reformed churches, accord- 
principal members of the Virginia Com- * That is, 1618, new style. — Er>. 
pany. Stith, p. 163. — Ed. 






1618.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 35 

ing to their publick confession of faith ; though some small 
differences be to be found in our practises, not at all in y e sub- 
stance of the things, but only in some accidentall circumstances. 

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered ; 
ours uncovered. 

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able 
to teach ; which abilitie they doe not require. 

3. Their elders & deacons are anuall, or at most for 2. or 3. 
years ; ours perpetual!. 

4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions & 
excommunications for publick scandals, publickly & before y e 
congregation ; theirs more privately, & in their consistories. 

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof 
y e one parente, at y e least, is of some church, which some of ther 
churches doe not observe ; though in it our practice accords with 
their publick confession and y e judgmente of y e most larned 
amongst them. 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these 
points. Then aboute y e oath, as in y e former. 

Subscribed, John R. 

W. B. 

Part of another letter from him that delivered these. 

Londo^FebrM. 1169691 

Your letter to S'. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as 
soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him y e 
opening & reading. Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them 
to him selfe, as also y e letter, and in y e reading he spake to me 
& said, Who shall make them ? viz. y e ministers ; I answered his 
WorPP that y e power of making was in y e church, to be ordained 
by y e imposition of hands, by y e fittest instruments they had. 
It must either be in y e church or from y e pope, & y e pope is 
Antichrist. Ho ! said S r . John, what y e pope houlds good, (as in 
y e Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too ; but, said he, we 
will not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he 
would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. 
He expected you should have been of y e archbp minde for y e 
calling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have 

* That is, 1618, new style. —Ed. 



36 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

wished to have known y e contents of your tow inclosed, at 
w ch he stuck so much, espetially y e larger. I asked his WorP 
what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould 
me very good news, for both the kings majestie and y e bishops 
have consented. He said he would goe to M r . Chancelor, S r . 
Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte weeke I should know more. 
I mett S r . Edw : Sands on Wedensday night ; he wished me to 
be at the Virginia Courte y e nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose 
to be. Thus loath to be troublsome at present, I hope to have 
somewhate nexte week of certentie concerning you. I comitte 
you to y e Lord. Yours, 

S. B.* 

[24] These things being long in agitation, & messengers 
passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes 
they were long delayed by many rubs that fell in y e way ; 
for at y e returne of these messengers into England they 
found things farr otherwise then they expected. For y e 
Virginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and 
quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussines could well 
goe forward. The which may the better appear in one of 
ye messengers letters as followeth. 

To his loving freinds, &c. 
I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could 
not effecte y l which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I 
wished ; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but M r . B. hath writen 
to M r . Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe some- 
thing, least I be thought to neglecte you. The maine hinder- 
ance of our proseedings in y e Virginia bussines, is y e dissentions 
and factions, as they terme it, amongs y e Counsell & Company 
of Virginia ; which are such, as that ever since we came up no 

* In Gov r . Bradford's Collection of (or Staismore), possibly the same per- 

Letters, this letter is more large, & sub- son, was one of the associates of Henry 

scribed Sabine Staresmore. — Prince. Jacob, and subsequently appears to 

Prince, in his Annals, I. 53, cites a have been a member of Mr. Robinson's 

portion of this letter from " S. B.," but church at Leyden, from which, in 1624, 

without any remarks there as to the he had been dismissed to the church 

name of the writer. A letter of Sabin at Amsterdam. See Neal's Puritans, 

Staresmore will be seen on pages 39, I. 462, and Hanbury's Hist. Memorials, 

40, dated from Wood Street Compter, I. 292, 449, 450. — Ed. 
a prison in London. A Mr. Staresmore 



1619.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 37 

busines could by them be dispatched. The occasion of this 
trouble amongst them is, for that a while since S r . Thomas 
Smith,* repining at his many offices & troubls, wished y c Com- 
pany of Virginia to ease him of his office in being Treasurer 
& Gover 1 ". of y e Virginia Company. Wereupon y e Company 
tooke occasion to dismisse him, and chose S r . Edwin Sands 
Treasure 1 " & Gover r of y e Company. He having 60. voyces, S r . 
John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman Johnsone 24. 
But S r . Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte of his honour 
lost, was very angrie, && raised a faction to cavill & contend 
aboute y e election, and sought to taxe S c . Edwin with many 
things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his 
office of Governour. In which contentions they yet stick, and 
are not fit nor readie to intermedle in any bussines ; and what 
issue things will come to we are not yet certaine. It is most 
like S r . Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe 
well in Virginia ; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. 
We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean 
space I thinke to goe downe into Kente, & come up againe 
aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence ; excepte either by these 
afforesaid contentions, or by y e ille tidings from Virginia, we 
be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I am now to speake. 

Captaine Argollf is come home this weeke (he upon notice 
of y e intente of y e Counsell, came away before S r . Georg Yeard- 
leyf came ther, and so ther is no small dissention). But his 
tidings are ill, though his person be wellcome. He saith M r . 
Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going towards 
winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them to the 
southward beyond their course. And y e m r of y e ship & some 
6. of y e mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find y e bay, 
till after long seeking & beating aboute. M r . Blackwell is dead, 
& M r . Maggner, y e Captain ; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130. 
persons, one & other in y l ship; it is said ther was in all an 
180. persons in y e ship, so as they were packed togeather like 
herings. They had amongst them y e fluxe, and allso wante of 
fresh water ; so as it is hear rather wondred at y l so many are 

* For an account of Sir Thomas f For ample notices of Sir Samuel 

Smith, the first Treasurer and Govern- Argall and Sir George Yeardley, see 

or of the Virginia Company, see Bel- Stith, pp. 145, 157 ; Smith, fol. ed.j. 

knap's American Biog., II. 9-19; pp. 119, 123 ; Belknap, II. 51-73. — 

Stith, pp. 42, 153. — Ed. Ed. 



38 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it 
was M r . Blackwells faulte to pack so many in y e ship ; yea, & 
ther were great mutterings & repinings amongst them, and up- 
braiding of M r . Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of 
them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, & how he 
insulted over them. Yea, y e streets at Gravsend runge of their 
extreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast 
brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie 
newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will dis- 
courage. I see none hear discouraged much, [25] but rather desire 
to larne to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that 
wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in 
love, so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone, 
espetially if they be discerned to have an eye to them selves. 
It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines we are 
all to learne and none to teach ; but better so, then to depend 
upon such teachers as M r . Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he 
once made for M r . Johnson & his people at Emden, w ch was 
their subversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) 
plucked his neck out of y e collar, yet at last his foote is caught. 
Hear are no letters come, y e ship captain Argole came in is yet 
in y e west parts ; all y l we hear is but his report ; it seemeth he 
came away secretly. The ship y l M r . Blackwell went in will be 
hear shortly. It is as M r . Robinson once said ; he thought we 
should hear no good of them. 

M r . B. is not well at this time ; whether he will come back to 
you or goe into y e north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope 
to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be 
thus from you ; if things had gone roundly forward, I should 
have been with you within these 14. days. I pray God directe 
us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for such a bussines. 
Thus having sumarily pointed at things w ch M r . Brewster (I 
thinke) hath more largly write of to M r . Robinson, I leave you 
to the Lords protection. 

Yours in all readines, &c. London, May 8. 

Robart Cushman. An : 1619. 

A word or tow by way of digression touching this M r . 
Blackwell ; * he was an elder of y e church at Amsterdam, 

# Francis Blackwell. See Hanbury's Hist. Memorials, I. 148. —Ed. 



1618.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 39 

a man well known of most of them. He declined from 
y e trueth w th M r . Johnson & y e rest, and went with him 
when y ey parted assunder in y l wofull maner, w ch brought 
so great dishonour to God, scandall to y e trueth, & outward 
ruine to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwith- 
standing, through y e mercies of y e Lord, their souls are 
now at rest with him in y e heavens, and y l they are arrived 
in y e Haven of hapines ; though some of their bodies 
were thus buried in y e terrable seas, and others sunke 
under y e burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some oth- 
ers had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with 
sunclrie godly citizens, being at a private meeing (I take 
it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were 
apprehended, wherof M r . Blackwell was one ; but he so 
glosed w th y e bps, and either dissembled or flatly denyed 
y e trueth which formerly he had maintained ; and not 
only so, but very unworthily betrayed and accused another 
godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his 
own neck out of y e collar, & to obtaine his owne free- 
dome brought others into bonds. Wherupon he so wone 
y e bps favour (but lost y e Lord's) as he was not only dis- 
-miste, but in open courte y e archbishop gave him great 
applause and his sollemne blessing to proseed in his vio- 
age. But if such events follow y e bps blessing, happie 
are they y l misse y e same ; it is much better to keepe a 
good conscience and have y e Lords blessing, whether in 
life or death. 

But see how y e man thus apprehended by M r . Black- 
wells means, writs to a freind of his. 

Right dear freind & christian brother, M r . Carver, I salute 
you & yours in y e Lord, &c. As for my owne presente con- 
dition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our 
brother Maistersone,* who should have tasted of y e same cupp, 

* Richard Masterson was a member mouth. See notice of his death under 
of the Leyden church, and was after- the year 1633. See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., 
wards a deacon of the church at Ply- III. 44; Young, p. 73. — Ed. 



40 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V. 

had his place of residence & his person been as well knowne as 
my selfe. Some what I have written to M r . Cushman how y e 
matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to M r . Sherives, 
and once to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to 
move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some 
others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie ; as that I 
was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse 
in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close & 
tedious prison ; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying 
still, my only servante lying lame in y e countrie, my wife being 
also great with child. And yet no answer till y e lords of his 
majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, M r . Black well, a 
man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper 
rate, with a great deale less adoe ; yea, with an addition of y e 
Archp : blessing. I am sorie for M r . Blackwels weaknes, I wish 
it may prove no worse. But yet he & some others of them, 
before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for y e best 
that I was nominated, not because y e Lord sanctifies evill to 
good, but that y e action was good, yea for y e best. One reason 
I well remember he used was, because this trouble would en- 
crease y c Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be 
more generally inclined to goe ; and if he had not nomminated 
some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that 
diverse citizens besids them selves were ther. I expecte an an- 
swer shortly what they intende conscerning me ; I purpose to 
write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the cer- 
taintie. Thus not haveing further at present to aquaint you 
withall, comending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, & comitte 
you and us all to y e Lord. 

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.* 

Your freind, & brother in bonds, 

Sabin Staresmore.| 
Sept r : 4. An : 1618. 

But thus much by y e way, which may be of instruction 
& good use. 

But at last, after all these things, and their long at- 
tendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed 

* A prison in London. Stow's Survey of London, ed. 1633, p. 308. — Ed. 
f See page 36. — Ed. 



1620?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 41 

under y e Companies seale ; but these devissions and dis- 
tractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, 
and disappointed them of much of their hoped for & prof- 
fered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente 
was not taken in y e name of any of their owne, but in y e 
name of M r . John Wincob (a religious gentleman then 
belonging to y e Countess of Lincoline), who intended to 
goe with them. But God so disposed as he never went, 
nor they ever made use of this patente,* which had cost 
them so much labour and charge, as by y e sequell will ap- 
peare. This patente being sente over for them to veiw & 
consider, as also the passages aboute y e propossitions be- 
tween them & such mar chants & freinds as should either 
goe or adventure with them, and espetially with those f on 
whom y e7 did cheefLy depend for shipping and means, 
whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fitt 
and prepare them selves with all speed. A right emblime, 
it may be, of y e uncertine things of this world ; y l when 
men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into 
smoke. 

The 6. Chap. 

Consceming y e agreements and artichles betiveen them, and 
such marchants §* others as adventured moneys; with 
other things falling out aboute making their provissions. 

Upon y e receite of these things by one of their messengers, 
they had a sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation 
to seeke y e Lord for his direction ; and their pastor tooke 
this texte, 1. Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto 
him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we 

* This patent is not extant, and ap- It is supposed to have embraced a tract 

pears not to have been when Hubbard of territory near the mouth of the Hud- 

jwrote his History, which was before son River. See Hubbard, p. 50; 4 

1682. We are ignorant as to its terms Mass. Hist. Coll., II. 156, 157. —Ed, 

and conditions, and the date of its issue. f Mr. Tho : Weston, &c. 

6 



42 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

come to Keilah against y e host of the Philistines? Then 
David ashed counsell of y e Lord againe, fyc. From which 
texte he taught many things very aptly, and befitting 
ther present occasion and condition, strengthing them 
against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them 
in their resolutions. [27] After which they concluded 
both what number and what persons should prepare them 
selves to goe with y e first ; for all y l were willing to have 
gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so 
shorte a time ; neither if all could have been ready, had 
ther been means to have trasported them alltogeather. 
Those that staied being y e greater number required y e 
pastor to stay with them ; and indeede for other reasons 
he could not then well goe, and so it was y e more easilie 
yeelded unto. The other then desired y e elder, M r . Brew- 
ster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto. 
It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, 
that those that went should be an absolute church of 
them selves, as well as those y l staid; seing in such a 
dangrous vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it 
might come to pass they should (for y e body of them) never 
meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, that as 
any of y e rest came over to them, or of y e other returned 
upon occasion, they should be reputed as members with- 
out any further dismission or testimoniall. It was allso 
promised to those y l wente first, by y e body of y e rest, that 
if y e Lord gave them life, & meas, & opportunitie, they 
would come to them as soone as they could. 

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with y e 
proseedings of y e Virginia Company, & y e ill news from 
thence aboute M r . Black well & his company, and making 
inquirey about y e hiring & buying of shiping for their 
vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute 
goeing with them.* Also one M r . Thomas Weston, a 

* From Winslow in Young, p. 385, er freely, and to furnish every family 
we learn that the Dutch offered to with cattle, if they would " go under 
transport the Pilgrims to Hudson Riv- them." — Ed. 






1620 Y\ PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 43 

m r chant of London, came to Leyden aboute y e same time, 
(who was well aquainted with some of them, and a fur- 
therer of them in their former proseedings,) haveing much 
conferance w th M r . Robinson & other of y e cheefe of them, 
perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) & not to medle with 
y e Dutch,* or too much to depend on y e Virginia Company ; 
for if that failed, if they came to resolution, he and such 
marchants as were his freinds (togeather with their owne 
means) would sett them forth; and they should make 
ready, and neither feare wante of shipping nor money; 
for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so 
much for him selfe as for y e satisfing of such frends as 
he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they 
were to draw such articls of agreemente, and make such 
propossitions, as might y e better induce his freinds to ven- 
ture. Upon which (after- y e formere conclusion) articles 
were drawne & agreed unto, and were showne unto him, 
and approved by him ; and afterwards by their messen- 
ger (M r . John Carver) sent into England,f who, togeather 

* From documents obtained within a mined, before learning the fate of this 

few years in Holland, by Mr. J. R. memorial of the Amsterdam merchants, 

Brodhead, author of an excellent His- to pursue these negotiations no fur- 

tory of New York, published in 1853, ther ; for he states in his letter to 

we learn that negotiations were pend- Carver of the 14th June following, on 

ing in the early part of the year 1620, pages 47-49, that " when we had in 

between the Amsterdam merchants and hand another course with the Dutchmen, 

Robinson, with a view to the removal broke it off at his [Weston's] motion, 

of the Pilgrims to New Amsterdam, and upon the conditions by him shortly 

On the 12th of February of that year, after propounded." See Brodhead's 

application was made in their behalf to Hist, of New York, pp. 123-126. — Ed. 
the Stadtholder, by these merchants, f From the narrative we must infer 

stating the conditions on which " this that Weston's visit to Leyden at this 

English preacher at Leyden" and his time was before the patent from the 

associates would consent to colonize Virginia Company was granted ; but 

that country ; viz. that they could be Carver and Cushman were not sent into 

assured of the protection of the United England to make the final arrangements 

Provinces ; and praying that such pro- for the voyage until after the patent was 

tection be granted, and that two ships " sent over for them to view and con- 

of war be sent to secure, provisionally, sider." 

the lands to that government, &c. The Bradford is provokingly deficient 

Stadtholder referred the subject of this here in dates. It would be gratifying 

memorial to the States General, who, to know more definitely, not only the 

after repeated deliberations, resolved, precise order in which the various 

on the 11th of April, to reject the occurrences narrated on the last few 

prayer of the petitioners. Possibly pages took place, but the particular 

Robinson and his associates had deter- date of each. We should like to know 



44 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

with Robart Cushman, were to receive y e moneys & make 
provissione both for shiping & other things for y e vioage ; 
with this charge, not to exseede their comission, but to 
proseed according to y e former articles. Also some were 
chossen to doe y e like for such things as were to be pre- 
pared there; so those that weare to goe, prepared them 
selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such 
as were able) put in their moneys into y e commone stock, 
which was disposed by those appointed, for y e making of 
generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had 
heard, both by M r . "Weston and others, y l sundrie Hon bl : 
Lords had obtained a large grante from y e king, for y e 
more northerly parts of that countrie, derived out of y e 
Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Gover- 
mente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-Eng- 
land.* Unto which M r . Weston, and y e cheefe of them, 
begane to incline it was [28] best for them to goe, as for 
other reasons, so cheefly for y e hope of present profite to 
be made by y e fishing that was found in y l countrie. 

But as in all bussineses y e acting parte is most difficulte, 
espetially wher y e worke of many agents must concurr, so 
it was found in this ; for some of those y l should have 
gone in England, fell of & would not goe ; other mar- 
chants & freinds y l had offered to adventure their moneys 

precisely when the Wincob patent was The royal warrant to the Solicitor-Gen- 

granted ; the date of Weston's visit to eral " to prepare a patent for his majes- 

Leyden, here narrated; and also when ties royal signature " is dated 23d July, 

Carver and Cushman were despatched 1620. This patent passed the seals on 

into England to make provision for the the 3d of November following, and is 

voyage. Doubtless these and other the great civil basis of all the future 

events in this connection took place patents that divide New England. The 

within a few months of the sailing of company thus incorporated was styled 

the Speedwell ; but it would be a satis- " The Council established at Plymouth, 

faction to have the exact chronology in the county of Devon, for the planting, 

from Bradford's pen. — Ed. ruling, ordering, and governing of New 

* On the 3d of March, 1619-20, the England in America." See the petition, 

Council for the second colony, " in the which was read 3d March, in Docu- 

North Partes of Virginia," petitioned ments relative to the Colonial History 

his majesty for a new act of incorpora- of New York, III. 2, 3 ; the warrant 

tion, and " that their territory may be in Gorges's New England, p. 21 ; and 

called — as by the Prince His Highness the Patent in Hazard, I. 103-118. — 

it hath been named — New England." Ed. 






1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 45 

withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking 
they wente not to Guiana ; others againe would adventure 
nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe 
(and those that were most relied on) fell in utter dislike 
with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither. 
In y e midds of these distractions, they of Leydeo, who had 
put of their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought 
into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things would 
come too ; but at length y e generalitie was swaid to this 
latter opinion. 

But now another difhcultie arose, for M r . Weston and 
some other that were for this course, either for their better 
advantage or rather for y e drawing on of others, as they 
pretended, would have some of those conditions altered y l 
were first agreed on at Ley den. To which y e 2. agents 
sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most 
charged with it) did consente ; seeing els y l all was like 
to be dashte, & y e opportunitie lost, and y 1 they which had 
put of their estats and paid in their moneys were in haz- 
ard to be undon. They presumed to conclude with y e 
marchants on those termes, in some things contrary to 
their order & comission, and without giving them notice 
of y e same ; yea, it was conceled least it should make any 
furder delay ; which was y e cause afterward of much 
trouble & contention. 

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which 
are as foloweth. 

An : 1620. July 1.* 

1. The adventurers f & planters doe agree, that every person 
that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10 H ., and 
ten pounds to be accounted a single share. 

* The date here given, July 1st, does written at London, and made ready to 

not indicate the time when these " con- receive the signatures of the parties to 

ditions " were first drawn up at Leyden, the agreement. — Ed. 

nor the time when the alterations com- f For an account of the Adventurers, 

plained of were agreed upon at London, see Smith's Generall Historie, p. 247, 

as will appear by the letters which fol- fol. ed. He says that they were at 

low. The articles were doubtless re- first about seventy in number, that they 



46 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out 
with 10 H . either in money or other provissions, be accounted as 
haveing 20 H . in stock, and in y e devission shall receive a double 
share. 

3. The persons transported & y e adventurers shall continue 
their joynt stock & partnership togeather, y e space of 7. years, 
(excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause y e whole 
company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & 
benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish- 
ing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still 
in y e comone stock untill y e division. 

4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number 
of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing 
upon y e sea ; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon 
y e land ; as building houses, tilling, and planting y e ground, & 
makeing shuch cohiodities as shall be most usefull for y e collonie. 

5. That at y e end of y e 7. years, y e capitall & profits, viz. 
the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte 
y e adventurers, and planters ; w ch done, every man shall be free 
from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this 
adventure. 

[29] 6. Whosoever cometh to y e colonie herafter, or putteth 
any into y e stock, shall at the ende of y e 7. years be alowed 
proportionably to y e time of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall 
be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a 
single share in y e devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a 
duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. 
of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and 
devision. 

8. That such children as now goe, & are under y e age of ten 
years, have noe other shar in y e devision, but 50. acers of un- 
manured land. 

9. That such persons as die before y e 7. years be expired, 
tlieir executors to have their parte or sharr at y e devision, pro- 
portionably to y e time of their life in y e collonie. 

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have 
their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of y e comon 
stock & goods of y e said collonie. 

dwell mostly about London, are not a and to plant Religion ; they have a 
corporation, but knit togetherjby a vol- President and Treasurer every year 
untary combination, aiming to do good newly chosen by the most voices. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 47 

The cheefe & principall differences betwene these & the 
former conditions, stood in those 2. points ; that y e houses, 
& lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should 
remaine undevided wholy to y e planters at y e 7. years end. 
2 ly , y l they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their 
owne private imploymente, for y e more comforte of them 
selves and their families, espetialy such as had families. 
But because letters are by some wise men counted y e best 
parte of histories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute 
by their owne letters, in which y e passages of things will 
be more truly discerned. 

A letter of M r . Robinsons to John Carver. 

June 14. 1620. N. Stile* 
My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remem- 
ber in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease 
to coniend to God by my best & most earnest praires. You 
doe throwly understand by our generall letters y e estate of things 
hear, which indeed is very pitifull ; espetialy by wante of ship- 
ing, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having 
it provided ; though withall ther be great want of money & 
means to doe needfull things. M r . Pickering, you know before 
this, will not defray a peny hear ; though Robart Cushman pre- 
sumed of I know not how many 100 fi . from him, & I know not 
whom. Yet it seems strange y l we should be put to him to 
receive both his & his partners adventer, and yet M r . Weston 
write unto him, y l in regard of it, he hath dravvne upon him a 
100 H . more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it 
seems ther is in y e whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are 
to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse 

* Prince has the following note here been altered on the paper." But what 

as to the date of this letter : " June 14, we may suppose to be a later note by 

N. S. is June 4, 0. S., which is Lord's him is found in his Annals, I. 68, where 

day, and therefore here is doubtless a he makes a brief extract from this letter, 

mistake. It seems more likely to have " The date in the Manuscript is June 

been June 24, N. S., which is June 14, 14, N. S. But the figure 1, being some- 

O. S., especially since this letter is plain- what blurred, and June 14, N. S. being 

ly dated June 24, both at the beginning Lord's day, and this letter placed before 

and end in Governor Bradford's Collec- the following of June 10, N. S., I con- 

tion of Letters, and also observing here elude it should be June 4, N. S."; which 

that the figure 1, in 14, seems to have corresponds to May 25, O. S. — Ed. 



48 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. 
Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, 
if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well 
we depended on M r . Weston alone, and upon such means as he 
would procure for this commone bussines ; and when we had in 
hand another course with y e Dutchmen, broke it of at his mo- 
tion, and upon y e conditions by him shortly after propounded. 
He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answera- 
ble from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in 
his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but y l I 
can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to 
his benefite ; wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would 
have consumed it. [30] But y l he should not but have had either 
shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and 
course, and y e same knowne to us for it, or have taken other 
order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have 
heard y l when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put 
it of from him selfe, and referred it to y e others * ; and would 
come to Georg Morton, & enquire news of him aboute things, 
as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. "Wether he 
hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so 
be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath 
feared least you should be ready too soone & so encrease y e 
charge of shiping above y l is meete, or whether he have thought 
by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking y l therby M r . 
Brewer and M r . Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to 
doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure 
we are y l things are not answerable to such an occasion. M r . 
Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a 
ship, but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, 
as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in 
those tow ; y e one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is 
known (though a good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, 
yet) most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singu- 
laritie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for 
(to speak truly) thatf we have had nothing from him but 
termes & presumptions. The other, y l we have so much re- 



# Yowthers in the manuscript, an il- f This word is enclosed in brackets 
legibly written word, doubtless intended in the manuscript. — Ed. 
for ' ' ye others. ' ' — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 49 

lyed, by iraplicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without 
seeing y e perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire 
set down unto us. For shiping, M r . Weston, it should seeme, 
is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte ; 
but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of M r . Brewer* 
you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke M r . Pickering* will 
ingage, excepte in y e course of buying, in former letters specified. 
Aboute y e conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments 
of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, 
y l the greatest parte of y e Collonie is like to be imployed con- 
stantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land & building houses, 
but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as y e land & house will be 
but a trifell for advantage to y e adventurers, and yet the devis- 
sion of it a great discouragmente to y e planters, who would with 
singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from 
their sleep. The same consideration of comone imploymente 
constantly by the most is a good reason not to have y e 2. daies 
in a weeke denyed y e few planters for private use, which yet is 
subordinate to comone good. Consider also how much unfite 
that you & your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, 
and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what per- 
sons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & per- 
ticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am 
sorie you have not been at London all this while, but y e provis- 
sions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no 
more ; fare you & yours well allways in y e Lord, in whom I 
rest. 

Yours to use, 

John Robinson. 

An other letter from sundrie of them at y e same time. 

[31] To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, 
these, &c. 
Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse 
letters at y e coming of M r . Nashf & our pilott, which is a great 
incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will 
minister occasion of praising God ; and indeed had you not 

.* Thomas Brewer and Edward Pick- f Thomas Nash was one of Robin- 

ering were among the " Adventurers." son's church at Leyden. See 1 Mass. 

See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 48 ; also Hist. Coll., III. 44. —Ed, 
this History under the year 1622. — Ed. 

7 



50 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. 
Partly in respecte of y e new conditions which have bene taken 
up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of 
our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie 
bussineses you referr to us here. For y e former wherof, wheras 
Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising ther- 
upon to alter y e same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no 
brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to 
our pastors former reasons, and them to y e censure of y e godly 
wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your 
selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, 
viz. y l the marchants should have y e halfe of mens houses and 
lands at y e dividente ; and that persons should be deprived of y e 
2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for 
their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive 
why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort ; 
for that we can require no more of them then all men one of 
another. This we have only by relation from M r . Nash, & not 
from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not 
proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring 
you not to exseed the bounds of your comission, which was to 
proceed upon y e things or conditions agred upon and expressed 
in writing (at your going over about it), we leave it, not with- 
out marveling, that you r selfe, as you write, knowing how smale 
a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, 
understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such mat- 
ters as these are, &c. 

Salute M r . Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not 
deceived ; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if 
you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (y l under 
God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in him ; 
and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adven- 
turer with us, we had not taken it in hand ; presuming that if 
he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have 
begune it ; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us 
as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. 
Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened y e state of 
things with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching 
y e Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth 
of dificulties, to assiste us herein ; raising such means by his 
providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children & servants, 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 51 

as we may with comforte behould y e hand of our God for good 
towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his 
name & fear, we take leave & remaine 

Your perplexed, yet hopfull 
June 10. New Stille, bretheren, 

An : 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.* 

A letter of Bob art Cushmans to them.^ 

Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess y l have come 
to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed- 
ings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare 
it, as not doubting but y l partly by writing, and more principally 
by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any rea- 
sonable man. I have been perswaded [32] by some, espetialy 
this bearer, to come and clear things unto you ; but as things 
now stand I canot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard 
all y e viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come 
of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. 
First, for your dislike of y e alteration of one clause in y e con- 
ditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on 
me at all. For y e articles first brought over by John Carver 
were never seene of any of y e adventurers hear, excepte M r . 
Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that 
clause ; nor M r . Weston him selfe, after he had well considered 
it. But as at y e first ther was 500 H . withdrawne by S r . Georg 
Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all y e rest would 
have withdrawne (M r . Weston excepted) if we had not altered 
y l clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as 
we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my falte. 
Besids, I shewed you by a letter y e equitie of y l condition, & 
our inconveniences, which might be sett against all M r . Rob: 
inconveniences, that without y e alteration of y l clause, we could 
neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to sub- 
siste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those rea- 
sons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, 
without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many 
quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my 
brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & bond- 
slaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what 

* In Governor Bradford's Collection William Bradford, Isaac Allerton, 
of Letters, these subscribers are thus Ed. Winslow. — Prince. 
wrote out at length : Samuel Fuller, f This letter bears no date. — Ed. 



52 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

I list. And at last a paper of reasons,* framed against y l clause 
in y e conditions, which as y ey were delivered me open, so my 
answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but 
inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on y e 
other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they 
misse & mistake both y 9 very ground of y e article and nature of 
y e project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divis- 
sion of houses & lands, it had been better for y e poore. True, 
and y l showeth y e inequalitie of y e condition ; we should more 
respecte him y l ventureth both his money and his person, then 
him y l ventureth but his person only. 

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but fur- 
nishing a store house ; no one shall be porer then another for 
7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At y e least, we 
must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Char- 
itie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs ; you are by this most 
in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not before you 
have need. 

3. This will hinder y e building of good and faire houses, con- 
trarie to y e advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it ; our 
purpose is to build for y e presente such houses as, if need be, we 
may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; 
our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght ; if God send 
us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, mu- 
nition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a 
comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses 
and gay cloaths come up. 

4. The Gove 1 may prevente excess in building. A. But if it 
be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, y e 
Go vet | laboure is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you 
mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, 
qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall 
have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a 
good qualitie. 2^. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to 
them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing ; 
and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civill or 
religious. 

* This "paper of reasons," con- to Carver, on page 49, "About the 

taining the specific objections here re- conditions, you have our reasons for our 

plied to by Cushman, appears not to judgments of what is agreed." — Ed. 
have been preserved. Robinson writes f Goue r in the manuscript. — Ed. 






1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 53 

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5 H . A. True, it may- 
be not worth halfe 5 n . [33] If then so smale a thing will con- 
tent them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion 
to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous ? I will not say what I 
have heard since these complaints came first over. 

7. Our freinds with us y l adventure mind not their owne prof- 
ite, as did y e old adventurers. A. Then they are better then 
we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and 
it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your 
maine end ; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas 
to Tarshis. 2 1 ?. Though some of them mind not their profite, 
yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we ? venture are 
made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all 
contente, if we can. 

8. It will break y e course of comunitie, as may be showed by 
many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will 
best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons. 

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. 
A. As it is better for them, so for us ; for halfe is ours, besids 
our living still upon it, and if such profite in y l way come, our 
labour shall be y e less on y e land, and our houses and lands must 
& will be of less value. 

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they 
put us upon it ? doe they urge or egg us ? hath not y e motion 
& resolution been always in our selves ? doe they any more then 
in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon 
equall termes & conditions ? If we will not goe, they are con- 
tent to keep their moneys. Thus I have pointed at a way to 
loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, 
and let me have no more stirre about them. 

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made ; 
but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent 
you. If you mean it of y e 2. days in a week for perticuler, as 
some insinuate, you are deceived ; you may have 3. days in a 
week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to y e adven- 
turers of times of working, they have said they hope we are 
men of discretion & conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our 
selves with that. But indeed y e ground of our proceedings at 
Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering 
every day, &c. 

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as 



54 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

soone have gone to Rome as with us ; for our libertie is to them 
as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as y e Spanish In- 
quision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them 
yet draw back ; I will undertake they shall have their money 
againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to be 
y e Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe ; I shall be content 
to stay with good will, having but y e cloaths on my back ; only 
let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors ; full litle 
did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c. 

Yours, R. Cushman. 

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands 
at Leyden I well know not ; I rather thinke it was staied 
by M r . Carver & kept by him, forgiving offence. But 
this which follows was ther received; both which I 
thought pertenent to recite. 

Another of his to y e foresaid, June 11. 1620.* 

Salutations, &c. I received your ler. yesterday, by John Tur- 
ner, with another y e same day from Amsterdam by M r . "W. sa- 
vouring of y e place whenc it came. And indeed the many dis- 
couragements I find her, togeather with y e demurrs and retirings 
ther, had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John 
Carver, & at his comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, 
and so leave it quite, with only y e pore cloaths on my back. 
But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, [34] I re- 
solved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte M r . Weston 
with y e fainted state of our bussines ; and though he hath been 
much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath 
made him often say, that save for his promise, he would not 
meadle at all with y e bussines any more, yet considering how 
farr we were plunged into maters, & how it stood both on our 
credits & undoing, at y e last he gathered up him selfe a litle 
more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not 
yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a 
ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, 
for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine 
ship it is.f And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, 

* June 11. O. S. is Lord's day, and the date of the letter following. — 
therefore 't is likely the date of this let- Prince- 
ter should be June 10, the same with f The renowned Mayflower. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 55 

we hope to assure her without troubling them any further ; and 
if y e ship fale too small, it fitteth well y l such as stumble at 
strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks 
come in y e way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this 
bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you 
doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it 
is as it is ; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of y e ship 
hire, will be indusced to venture y e more. All y l I now require 
is y l salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all y e rest we 
will here proyid it ; yet if that will not be, let them but stand 
for it a month or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let 
M r . Reinholds tarie ther, and bring y e ship* to Southampton. 
We have hired another pilote here, one M r . Clarke, who went 
last year to Virginia with a ship of kine. 

You shall here distinctly by John Turner,! who I thinke shall 
come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come 
with him, to have answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne 
to pass litle for their censurs ; and if I had more minde to goe 
& dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this 
waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours & 
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to 
doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study 
to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men 
be set on it, let them beat y e eair ; I hope such as are my sinceire 
freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. 
But of your mistaking aboute y e mater, & other things tending 
to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean 
space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering 
matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I 
caiiot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your 
bussines, and so turne y e reproofe to your selves, & send an 
other, and let me come againe to my Combes.J But setting 

* The Speedwell, of which Reynolds ing of prophesying, or private men's 

was captain. — Ed. preaching, and says, " There is a book 

f He came in the Mayflower. — Ed. printed, called A Sermon preached at 

| In connection with this expression, Plymouth in N. E., which (as I am 

"let me come again to my Combes," certified) was made there by a Comber 

we will cite a passage from a tract pub- of wooll." The sermon alluded to was 

lished in London in 1644, entitled, first printed in London in 1622, and 

" A Brief Narration of some Church though it bears no name, yet uniform 

Courses held in Opinion and Practise tradition assigns it to Cushman, who 

in the Churches lately erected in New preached it at the time of his brief visit 

England, &c. By W. R.[athband]." to Plymouth in the latter part of the 

On the 46th page, the writer is speak- year 1621. — Ed. 



56 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI. 

a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause 
judged, both of God, & all indifferent men ; and when we come 
togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, 
who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into y e equi- 
tie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, 
in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatso- 
ever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love & affection. 
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. 

Your pore brother, 
June 11. 1620. -o ^ 

KOBART UUSHMAN. 

Besids these things, ther fell out a difference amongs 
those 3. that received [35] the moneys & made y e provis- 
sions in England ; for besids these tow formerly men- 
tioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. M r . Carver & 
Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be 
joyned with them, to make y e provisions for y e vioage ; 
his name was M r . Martin,* he came from Billirike in Es- 
sexe, from which parts came sundrie others to goe with 
them, as also from London & other places ; and therfore 
it was thought meete & conveniente by them in Holand 
that these strangers that were to goe with them, should 
apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for 
any great need of their help, as to avoyd all susspition, or 
jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving 
offence, both in this & other things afterward, turned to 
great inconvenience unto them, as in y e sequell will 
apeare ; but however it shewed their equall & honest 
minds. The provissions were for y e most parte made at 
Southhamton, contrarie to M r . Westons & Robert Cush- 
mas mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). 
A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to 
M r . Carver, and more will appear afterward. 

To his loving freind M r . John Carver, these, &c. 
Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of 
affection & complaints, and what it is you would have of me I 

* Doubtless Christopher Martin, one he died January 8, 1621. See Prince, 
of the passengers in the Mayflower; I. 96. — Ed. 






1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 57 

know not ; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negli- 
gence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in y e bussi- 
nes. Yet know you y l all that I have power to doe hear, shall 
not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to 
M r . Weston to help us -with money, more then his adventure ; 
wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done 
any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended 
y l our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not 
made aquainted with our quantitie of things ; and saith y l in 
now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up 
& downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over y e somer 
before we will goe. And to speake y e trueth, ther is fallen al- 
ready amongst us a flatt schisme ; and we are redier to goe to 
dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I have received from 
Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though 
they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I 
always feared y e event of y e Amsterdamers striking in with us. 
I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe with- 
out their companie, or we shall wante no quareling ; but let 
them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our 
host ; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde 
above 1200 H . & odd moneys of all y e venturs you can reckone, 
besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted ; 
so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400 H . I would have had 
some thing shortened at first of beare & other provissions in 
hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in Am- 
sterol: & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we 
cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to 
build & shall not be able to make an end ; indeed, our courses 
were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear 
their standing. Yea, ther was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at 
y e first. You wrote to M r . Martin, to prevente y e making of y e 
provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolu- 
tion how much he would have of every thing, without respecte 
to any counsell or exception. Surely he y l is in a societie & 
yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. 
To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto 
then yet is, we y l should be partners of humilitie and peace, 
shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money 
which you ther must have, we will get provided for you instant- 



58 HISTORY OF [CHAP. 



VII. 



ly. 500 H . you say will serve ; for y e rest which hear & in Holand 
is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For M r . Crabe,* of 
whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you 
I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he is 
much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke y e best of 
all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and y e Lord guid 
us all. 

Your loving freind, 
London, June 10. Robart Cushman. 

An : 1620. 

I have bene y e larger in these things, and so shall crave 
leave in some like passages following, (thoug in other 
things I shal labour to be more contracte,) that their chil- 
dren may see with what difficulties their fathers wrastled 
in going throug these things in their first beginings, and 
how God brought them along notwithstanding all their 
weaknesses & infirmities. As allso that some use may be 
made hereof in after times by others in such like waightie 
imployments ; and herewith I will end this chapter. 

The 7. Chap. 

Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther 
aboute, with their arivall at South hamton, were they 
all mete togeather, and tooke in ther provissions. 

At length, after much travell and these debats, all things 
were got ready and provided. A smale ship f was bought, 
& fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to 
help to transport them, so to stay in y e cuntrie and atend 
upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for y e 
good & benefite of y e colonie when they came ther. An- 
other was hired at London, of burden about 9. score ; $ 
and all other things gott in readines. So being ready to 
departe, they had a day of solleme humiliation, their 

* He was a minister. J The Mayflower. — Ed. 

f Of some 60. tune. [The Speedwell. — Ed.] 



1620.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



59 



pastor taking his texte from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at y" 
river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble 
ourselves before our God, and seeke of him a right way for 
us, and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon 
which he spente a good parte of y e day very profitably, and 
suitable to their presente occasion* The rest of the time 
was spente in powering out prairs to y e Lord with great 
fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And y e time 
being come that they must departe, they were acompanied 
with most of their brethren out of y e citie, unto a towne 
sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,*)* wher the ship lay 
ready to receive them. So they lefte y l goodly & pleas- 
ante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12. 
years ; J but they knew they were pilgrimes,§ & looked 
not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to y e 
heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. 
When they [37] came to y e place they found y e ship and 



* Edward Winslow, in a controver- 
sial tract printed in London twenty-six 
years after this time, gives the substance 
of some " wholesome counsel Mr. Rob- 
inson gave that part of the church 
whereof he was pastor, at their depart- 
ure from him to begin the great work 
of plantation in New England," which 
has been justly celebrated for the no- 
ble spirit of Christian liberty that per- 
vades it. This is usually styled Robin- 
son's " farewell discourse" ; but wheth- 
er it was preached from the text cited 
above, or not, Winslow, the only au- 
thority for it, does not inform us. Neal 
does not hesitate to appropriate this 
text, in which he is followed by Bel- 
knap and others. See Appendix to 
" Hypocrisie Unmasked," in Young, 
p. 396 ; Memoirs of the Pilgrims at 
Ley den, by George Sumner, Esq., in 3 
Mass. Hist. Coll., IX. 70 ; Neal's New 
England, 1st ed., I. 78 ; Belknap, II. 
171, 172. — Ed. 

f " The minor part, with Mr. Brew- 
ster, their elder, resolved to enter upon 
this great work, (but take notice the 
difference of number was not great,) . . . 
they that stayed at Leyden feasted us 
that were to go, at our pastor's house, 



being large ; where we refreshed our- 
selves, after tears, with singing of 
psalms, making joyful melody in our 
hearts, as well as with the voice, there 
being many of our congregation very 
expert in music. . . . After this they ac- 
companied us to Delph's Haven, where 
we were to embark, and there feasted 
us again." Winslow in Young, p. 
384. Delft-Haven is on the Maese, 
eight miles from Delft, about fourteen 
miles from Leyden, and thirty-six miles 
from Amsterdam. — Ed. 

J Prince, I. 70, and Preface, xii., ap- 
parently citing this History at this place, 
says, " Mr. Brewster, Carver, Bradford, 
Winslow, with the other English voy- 
agers at Leyden, leave that city where 
they had lived near 12 years," &c. 
There is no authority here for these 
names ; besides, Carver was at this 
time at Southampton, making provision 
for the voyage, at which place — as will 
be seen on the following page — he was 
joined by the Pilgrims on their arrival 
there in the Speedwell. There are some 
reasons which render it probable that 
Brewster also was in England at this 
time. Seep. 38, and p. 31, note. — Ed. 

§ Heb. 11 



60 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII. 

all things ready ; and shuch of their freinds as could not 
come with them followed after them, and sundrie also 
came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take 
their leave of them. That night was spent with litle 
sleepe by y e most, but with freindly entertainmente & 
christian discourse and other reall expressions of true 
christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they 
wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly 
dolfull was y e sight of that sade and mournfull parting; 
to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst 
them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy speech- 
es peirst each harte ; that sundry of y e Dutch strangers 
y l stood on y e key as spectators, could not refraine from 
tears. Yet comfortable & sweete it was to see shuch 
lively and true expressions of dear & unfained love. But 
y e tide (which stays for no man) caling them away y l 
were thus loath to departe, their Reve d : pastor falling 
downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie 
cheeks comended them with most fervente praiers to the 
Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases 
and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an other ; 
which proved to be y e last leave to many of them. 

Thus hoy sing saile,* with a prosperus winde they came 
in short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger 
ship come from London, lying ready, w th all the rest of 
their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall 
congratulations, with othe r frendly entertainements, they 
fell to parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with 
y e best expedition ; as allso with their agents, aboute y e 
alteration of y e conditions. M r . Carver pleaded he was 
imployed hear at Hamton, and knew not well what y e 
other had don at London. M r . Cushman answered, he 
had done nothing but what he was urged too, partly by 
y e grounds of equity, and more espetialy by necessitie, 
other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. And in 

* This was about 22. of July. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 61 

y e begining he aquainted his felow agents here with, who 
consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to 
receive y e money at London and send it downe to them at 
Hamton, wher they made y e provissions; the which he 
accordingly did, though it was against his minde, & some 
of y e marchants, y l they were their made. And for give- 
ing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not 
well in regarde of y e shortnes of y e time ; againe, he knew 
it would trouble them and hinder y e bussines, which was 
already delayed overlong in regard of y e season of y e year, 
which he feared they would find to their cost. But these 
things gave not con ten te at presente. M r . Weston, lik- 
wise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to 
have y e conditions confirmed ; but they refused, and an- 
swered him, that he knew right well that these were not 
according to y e first agreemente, neither could they yeeld 
to them without y e consente of the rest that were behind. 
And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came 
away, from the cheefe of those that were behind, not to 
doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould them, 
they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So he 
returned in displeasure, and this was y e first ground of 
discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well 
near 100 H . to clear things at their going away, he would 
not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as 
they could. [38] So they were forst to selle of some of 
their provissions to stop this gape, which was some 3. or 
4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best 
spare, haveing provided too large a quantitie of y l kind. 
Then they write a leter to y e marchants & adventurers* 
aboute y e diferances concerning y e conditions, as foloweth. 

Aug. 3. An : 1620.f 
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of 
writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see 

* Adventures in the manuscript. — Ed. of Letters, this letter is dated at South 
fin Governor Bradford's Collection Hampton. — Prince. 



62 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII. 

y e most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any dif- 
ferance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out 
that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though 
brefly) to shew you y e just cause & reason of our differring from 
those articles last made by Robart Cushman, without our co- 
mission or knowledg. And though he might propound good 
ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine 
diference is in y e 5. & 9. article,* concerning y e deviding or hold- 
ing of house and lands ; the injoying wherof some of your selves 
well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to 
provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, y l when 
y e greatest of. you in adventure (whom we have much cause to 
respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his 
owne accorde, he set this downe for one ; a coppy wherof we 
have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us 
which being liked on both sids, and a day set for y e paimente of 
moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. After y l , Robart Cush- 
man, M r . Peirce, & M r . Martine, brought them into a better 
forme, & write them in a booke now extante ; and upon Robarts 
shewing them and delivering M r . Mullins a coppy therof under 
his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we of 
Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, 
but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them ; upon 
sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our 
estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte 
y e vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently of things, 
and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it wher it is, & not upon 
us, who have more cause to stand for y e one, then you have for 
y e other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make 
any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon 
articles before agreed on, and to further y e provissions till John 
Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive 
your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a 
branch to y e end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that 
wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it 
may appeare to all men y l we are not lovers of our selves only, 
but desire also y e good & inriching of our freinds who have ad- 

# For " the chief and principal dif- in the fifth article of his copy of these 

ferences " between the articles on pages conditions. See Hubbard's New Eng- 

45 and 46, and the " former conditions," land, pp. 48, 49, and Young, pp. 81 

see page 47. Hubbard, who evidently -83. — Ed. 
used this History, has a singular error 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 63 

ventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last 
article to y e rest, promising you againe by leters in y e behalfe of 
the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within 
y e 7. years, y l we will continue togeather longer with you, if 
y e Lord give a blessing.* This we hope is sufficente to satisfie 
any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured y l if the 
whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not 
stand upon it, netheir doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a 
streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60 }i . worth of 
our provissions to cleare y e Haven, & withall put our selves 
upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not 
a sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword to his side, 
wanting many muskets, much armoure, &c. And yet we are 
willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are 
like to insue, & trust to y e good providence of God, rather then 
his name & truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus salut- 
ing all of you in love, and beseeching y e Lord to give a blesing 
to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in y e bonds of peace 
& love, we take leave & rest, 

Yours, &c. 
Aug. 3. 1620. 

It was subscribed with many names of y e cheefest of 
y e company. 

At their parting M r . Robinson write a leter to y e whole 
company, which though it hath already bene printed,*)* 
yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it ; as also a 
breefe leter writ at y e same time to M r . Carver, in which 
y e tender love & godly care of a true pastor appears. 

My dear Brother, — I received inclosed in your last leter y e 
note of information, w ch I shall carefuly keepe & make use of 
as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your per- 
plexitie of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who have 
allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte unto 
others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe as that 
farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone (though I 

* It was well for them y l this was 1622, in Mourt's Relation. It was sub- 
not accepted. sequently printed in Morton's Memo- 

f The "letter to the whole com- rial. — Ed. 
pany," on pages 64-67, was printed in 



64 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII. 

conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse you, 
though they press you, as y e Apostle speaks. The spirite of a 
man (sustained by y e spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie, 
I dout not so will yours. And y e beter much when you shall 
injoye y e presence & help of so many godly & wise bretheren, 
for y e bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte 
into their harts y e least thought of suspition of any y e least 
negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so 
ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto 
you & your good wife my loving sister? even only this, I desire 
(& allways shall) unto you from y e Lord, as unto my owne 
soule ; and assure your selfe y l my harte is with you, and that I 
will not forslowe my bodily coming at y e first oppertunitie. I 
have writen a large leter to y e whole, and am sorie I shall not 
rather speak then write to them ; & the more, considering y e 
wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my 
hastening after you. I doe ever comend my best affection unto 
you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would ex- 
press in more, & y e same more ample & full words. And y e 
Lord in whom you trust & whom you serve ever in this bussi- 
nes & journey, guid you with his hand, protecte you with his 
winge, and shew you & us his salvation in y e end, & bring us 
in y e mean while togeather in y e place desired, if shuch be his 
good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. 

Yours, &c. 
July 27. 1620. Jo: R. 

This was y e last letter y l M r . Carver lived to see from 
him. The other follows. 

* Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in y e Lord salute 
you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best 
affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be con- 
strained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say con- 
strained, God knowing how willingly, & much rather then 
otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first 
brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for y e present. 
Make accounte of me in y e mean while, as of a man devided in 
my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side) 
having my beter parte with [40] you. And though I doubt not 

* This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters. — Prince. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 65 

but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve upon 
y l which concerneth your presente state & condition, both sev- 
erally & joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some 
furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not 
because you need it, yet because I owe it in love & dutie. And 
first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, 
espetially for our sines known, and generally for our unknowne 
trespasses, so doth y e Lord call us in a singuler maner upon 
occasions of shuch difficultie & danger as lieth upon you, to a 
both more narrow search & carefull reformation of your ways in 
his sight ; least he, calling to remembrance our sines forgotten 
by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, & in judg- 
mente leave us for y e same to be swalowed up in one danger or 
other ; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest 
repentance & y e pardon therof from y e Lord sealed up unto a 
mans conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and 
peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distreses, with 
hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne 
consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men 
what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, & for y l watch- 
fullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe 
give, no nor easily take offence being given by others. Woe be 
unto y e world for offences, for though it be necessarie (consider- 
ing y e malice of Satan & mans corruption) that offences come, 
yet woe unto y e man or- woman either by whom y e offence 
cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in y e unsea- 
sonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be 
feared then death itselfe, as y e Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. 
how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour 
of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 
Neither yet is it sufficiente y l we keepe our selves by y e grace 
of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be armed 
against y e taking of them when they be given by others. For 
how un perfect & lame is y e work of grace in y l person, who 
wants charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as y e scriptures 
speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon 
y e comone grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons 
ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover offences, or 
wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie ; or lastly, are grosse, 
though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. 7. 

9 



66 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII. 

1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene 
found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; 
neither have they ever proved sound & profitable members in 
societies, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besids 
these, ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to 
great care & conscience this way : As first, you are many of 
you strangers, as to y e persons, so to y e infirmities one of an- 
other, & so stand in neede of more watchfullnes this way, least 
when shuch things fall out in men & women as you suspected 
not, you be inordinary affected with them ; which doth require 
at your hands much wisdome & charitie for y e covering & pre- 
venting of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended 
course of civill comunitie will minister continuall occasion of 
offence, & will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently 
quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence 
causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, 
how much more heed is to be taken y 1 we take not offence at 
God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe 
murmure at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently 
shuch afflictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up 
therfore patience against y e evill day, without which we take 
offence at y e Lord him selfe in his holy & just works. 

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that 
with your comone imployments you joyne comone affections 
truly bente upon y e generall good, avoyding as a deadly 
[41] plague of your both comone & spetiall comfort all retired- 
nes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly affected 
any maner of way ; let every man represe in him selfe & y e 
whol body in each person, as so many rebels against y e comone 
good, all private respects of mens selves, not sorting with y e 
generall conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a 
new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled & 
y e parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much 
more carfull, y l the house of God which you are, and are to be, 
be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions 
at y e first setling therof. 

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst 
your selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any 
persons of spetiall eminencie above y e rest, to be chosen by you 
into office of goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare, 
not only in chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 67 

promote y e comone good, but also in yeelding unto them all 
due honour & obedience in their lawfull administrations; not 
behoulding in them y e ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods 
ordinance for your good, not being like y e foolish multitud 
who more honour y e gay coate, then either y e vertuous minde 
of y e man, or glorious ordinance of y e Lord. But you know 
better things, & that y e image of y e Lords power & authoritie 
which y e magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane per- 
sons soever. And this dutie you both may y e more willingly 
and ought y e more conscionably to performe, because you are 
at least for y e present to have only them for your ordinarie gov- 
ernours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke. 
Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde 
of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not 
so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of 
these things, ther being also diverce among you so well able to 
admonish both them selves & others of what concerneth them. 
These few things therfore, & y e same in few words, I doe ernest- 
ly comend unto your care & conscience, joyning therwith my 
daily incessante prayers unto y e Lord, y l he who hath made y e 
heavens & y e earth, y e sea and all rivers of waters, and whose 
providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear 
children for good, would so guide & gard you in your wayes, as 
inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by y e hand of his power, 
as y l both you & we also, for & with you, may have after mat- 
ter of praising his name all y e days of your and our lives. Fare 
you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest. 
An unfained wellwiller of your hapie 
success in this hopefull voyage, 

John Robinson. 

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, 
and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte 
in this place.* 

All things being now ready, & every bussines dispatched, 
the company was caled togeather, and this letter read 
amongst them, which had good acceptation with all, and 
after fruit with many. Then they ordered & distributed 

* This letter bears no date, but it in which Robinson speaks of having 
was doubtless written about the same " written a letter to the whole." — Ed. 
time as the one to Carver, preceding, 



68 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII. 

their company for either shipe, as they concevied for y e 
best. And chose a Gov r & 2. or 3. assistants for each 
shipe, to order y e people by y e way, and see to y e dispos- 
sing of there provissions, and shuch like affairs. All which 
was not only with y e liking of y e maisters of y e ships, but 
according to their desires. Which being done, they sett 
sayle from thence aboute y e 5. of August ; but what be- 
fell them further upon y e coast of England will appeare 
in y e nexte chapter. 



The 8. Chap. 

Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea, 
being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther 
ships §• some of their companie behind them. 

[42] Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but 
M r . Remolds y e m r . of y e leser ship complained that he 
found his ship so leak as he durst not put further to sea 
till she was mended. So y e m r . of y e biger ship (caled 
M r . Joans) being consulted with, they both resolved to 
put into Dartmouth & have her ther searched & mended, 
which accordingly was done, to their great charg & losse 
of time and a faire winde. She was hear thorowly search t 
from steme to sterne, some leaks were found & mended, 
and now it was conceived by the workmen & all, that she 
was sufficiente, & they might proceede without either fear 
or danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put to 
sea againe,* conceiving they should goe comfortably on, 
not looking for any more lets of this kind ; but it fell out 

* Smith, who speaks of but one em- man, on page 71, in a letter written from 

barkation prior to the final sailing of Dartmouth to a friend in London, dated 

the Mayflower from Plymouth on the Aug. 17th, says, " We lie here waiting 

6th of September, says, " they left the for her [the Speedwell, which was 

coast of England the 23d of August, being " mended"] in as fair a wind as 

with about 120 persons." Bradford can blow, and so have done these four 

gives no dates in the narrative as to the days, and are like to lie four more," 

time when they put into Dartmouth, &c. From this passage Prince doubt- 

or when they departed thence. Cush- less gathered his dates, where he says, 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 69 

otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe above 
100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company 
togeather all this while, the m r . of y e small ship complained 
his ship was so leake* as he must beare up or sinke at 
sea, for they could scarce free her with much pumping. 
So they came to consultation againe, and resolved both 
ships to bear up backe againe & put into Plirhoth, which 
accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be 
founde, but it was judged to be y e generall weaknes of y e 
shipe, and that shee would not prove sufBciente for the 
voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise her & 
parte of y e companie, and proceede with y e other shipe. 
The which (though it was greevous, & caused great dis- 
couragmente) was put in execution. So after they had 
tooke out such provission as y e other ship could well stow, 
and concluded both what number and what persons to 
send bak, they made another sad parting, y e one ship go- 
ing backe for London, and y e other was to proceede on 
her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte 
such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discon- 
tente, or feare they conceived of y e ill success of y e vioage,f 
seeing so many croses befale, & the year time so fan* 
spente ; but others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, 
and charge of many yonge children, were thought least 
usefull, and most unfite to bear y e brunte of this hard ad- 
venture ; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of 
their brethern, they were contented to submite. And 
thus, like Gedions armie, this small number was devided, 



" they put into Dartmouth about Aug. charging her and twenty passengers, 

13"; and "about Aug. 21 they set with the great ship and a hundred per- 

sail again." This latter date is of course sons besides sailors, they set sail again 

somewhat conjectural, and that given the sixth of September," &c. New 

by Smith, above quoted, may be the England's Trials, p. 16. — Ed. 

correct one. See New England's Tri- f After this, no one, probably, will 

als, p. 16, 2ded., London, 1622; Prince share with the late Dr. Young in the 

1.71. — Ed. enthusiasm with which he repudiates 

* Smith says, " but the next day the idea of any discouragement on the 

the lesser ship sprung a leak that forced part of those who " went back." See 

their return to Plymouth, where, dis- Young, p. 99, note 1. — Ed. 






70 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII. 



as if y e Lord by this worke of his providence thought these 
few to many for y e great worke he had to doe. But here 
by the way let me show, how afterward it was found y l 
the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, 
and too much pressed with sayles ; for after she was 
sould & put into her old trime, she made many viages & 
performed her service very sufficiently, to y e great profite 
of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning & 
deceite of y e m r . & his company, who were hired to stay 
a whole year in y e cuntrie, and now fancying dislike & 
fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to 
free them selves ; as afterwards was knowne, & by some 
of them confessed. For they apprehended y l the greater 
ship, being of force, & in whom most of y e provissions 
were stowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, 
what soever became of them or y e passengers ; & indeed 
shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them ; and 
yet, besids other incouragments, y e cheefe of them that 
came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give y e m r . con- 
tente. But so strong was self love & his fears, as he for- 
gott all duty and [43] former kindnesses, & delt thus fals- 
ly with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest 
those that returned was M r . Cushman & his familie, whose 
hart & courage was gone from them before, as it seems, 
though his body was with them till now he departed ; as 
may appear by a passionate letter he write to a freind 
in London from Dartmouth, whilst y e ship lay ther a 
mending ; the which, besids y e expressions of his owne 
fears, it shows much of y e providence of God working for 
their good beyonde man's expectation, & other things 
concerning their condition in these streats. I will hear 
relate it. And though it discover some infirmites in him 
(as who under temtation is free), yet after this he contin- 
ued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe 
y e offices of a loving freind & faithfull brother unto them, 
and pertaker of much comforte with them. 
The letter is as followth. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 71 

To his loving friend Ed : S. # at Henige House in y e Duks Place,! 
these, &c. 

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your 
wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke 
to see againe. For besids y e eminente dangers of this viage, 
which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased 
me, which will not in all lic e lyhoode leave me till death. What 
to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crush- 
ing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that allthough I 
doe y e acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead ; but 
y e will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els 
I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither 
hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of croked- 
nes. We put in hear to trime her, & I thinke, as others also, 
if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would 
have sunke right downe. And though she was twise trimed at 
Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive ; and ther 
was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2. foote 
longe, wher y e water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at 
Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we 
lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so 
have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by 
y l time y e wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our 

* In Governor Bradford's Collection South worth, the son of Richard, the 

of Letters, this is Edward Southworth. son of Aymond, who lived at Wellam 

— Prince. in the reign of King Henry the Eighth. 

The person to whom this letter is From another source we know that one 
addressed is doubtless the Edward of the family, a Mr. Robert South- 
Southworth whose widow, Alice, was worth, consorted with the extreme 
afterwards married to Governor Brad- Puritans, who were going the way of 
ford, the author of this History. See separation." He thinks "we cannot 
the verses to her memory in the Ap- err if we claim some of them as lay 
pendix. Mr. Hunter says that " the members of the Scrooby church, per- 
Southworths were eminently a Basset- haps this very Mr. Robert Southworth 
Lawe family." (The reader of his himself." See Prince, I. 140 ; Found- 
Founders of New Plymouth will recol- ers of New Plymouth, pp. 17, 116, 
lect that Basset-Lawe is the Hundred 117, 2d ed., 1854. — Ed. 
in which is situated the village of f Duke's. Place is in London. See 
Scrooby, where Robinson's church was Stow's Survey of London, ed. 1633, 
located while in England.) He says, p. 146. Mr. Hunter, in a manuscript 
that " in the Visitation of Nottingham- note, writes, " * Henige House' I do not 
shire, in 1614, an Edward Southworth know. It was probably the town resi- 
was then living, buf so little did he care dence of the family of Heneage. There 
for such things, that all the account is still an Heneage Court near Duke's 
of his family which he gave to the Her- Place in London." — Ed. 
aids was, that he was the son of Robert 



72 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII. 

victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the 
coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not 
have a months victialls when we come in y e countrie. Neare 
700 H hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. 
M r . Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of 
.it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of un- 
thankfullnes for his paines & care, that we are susspitious of 
him, and flings away, & will end nothing. Also he so insulteh 
over our poore people, with shuch scorne & contempte, as if they 
were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your 
hart to see his dealing,* and y e mourning of our people. They 
complaine to me, & alass ! I can doe nothing for them ; if I 
speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no 
complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith 
they are frowarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill 
to hear them. Ther are others y l would lose all they have put 
in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might 
departe ; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe 
ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so 
offended at his ignorante bouidnes, in medling & controuling in 
things he knows not what belongs too, as y l some threaten to 
misscheefe him, others say they will leave y e shipe & goe their 
way. But at y e best this cometh of it, y l he maks him selfe a 
scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for M r . Weston, ex- 
cepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten 
times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming y e con- 
ditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they 
begine to reveile y e trueth, & say M r . Robinson was in y e falte 
who charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor 
chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them 
they did chose.f But he & they will rue too late, they may 
[44] now see, & all be ashamed when it is too late, that they 
were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I am 
sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was 
not so resolute at Hampton to have left y e whole bussines, ex- 
cepte they would seale them, & better y e vioage to have bene 
broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves, 
dishonour to God, & detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it 

* He was governour in y e bigership, f I thinke he was deceived in these 
& M r . Cushman assistante. things. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 73 

is like to doe. 4. or 5. of y e cheefe of them which came from 
Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. And 
M r . Martine, he said he never received no money on those con- 
ditions, he was not beholden to y e marchants for a pine, they 
were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he in- 
deed never made any conditions w th the marchants, nor ever 
spake with them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or 
was it his owne ? Who will goe & lay out money so rashly & 
lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on 
what conditions ? 2 ly . I tould him of y e alteration longe agoe, 
& he was contente ; but now he dominires, & said I had be- 
trayed them into y e hands of slaves ; he is not beholden to 
them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good 
man ? He hath but 50 H . in, & if he should give up his accounts 
he would not have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,* &c. 
Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle ; 
especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and 
most of all ununited amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tu- 
tors & regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is y e meek & 
humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified y e wals 
of Jerusalem, & y e state of Israeli ? Is not y e sound of Reho- 
boams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not y e philosiphers 
and all wise men observed y l , even in setled comone welths, vio- 
lente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, 
to ruine ; how much more in y e raising of comone wealths, when 
y e morter is yet scarce tempered y l should bind y e wales. If I 
should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune 
our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve 
your tender hart ; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings 
of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be y e Lord 
will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see 
not in reason how we shall escape even y e gasping of hunger 
starved persons ; but God can doe much, & his will be done. 
It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I 
doe daly, & expecte it howerly ; haveing received y e sentance of 
death, both within me & without me. Poore William King & 
my selfe doe strive f who shall be meate first for y e fishes; but 
we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after 

* This was found true afterward. dayly," but a pen has been drawn 

f In the manuscript it is "strive through the latter word. — Ed. 

10 



74 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX. 

y e flesh no more, but looking unto y e joye y l is before us, we 
will endure all these things and accounte them light in com- 
parison of y l joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to 
our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, 
& wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte 
looke them in y e face. The Lord give us that true comforte 
which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe 
relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your 
wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after 
you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, & 
many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon 
my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be 
spoken [45] of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt 
to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head 
is weake, & my body feeble, y e Lord make me strong in him, & 
keepe both you & yours. 

Your loving freind, 

ROBART CUSHMAN. 

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620. 

These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, they 
must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth. 

The 9. Chap. 

Of their vioage, fy how they passed y e sea, and of their safe 
arrivall at Cape Codd. 

Sept r : 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all 
being compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put to sea 
againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce 
days togeather, which was some incouragmente unto 
them ; yet according to y e usuall maner many were afflict- 
ed with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall 
worke of Gods providence. Ther was a proud & very pro- 
fane yonge man, one of y e sea-men, of a lustie, able body, 
which made him the more hauty; he would allway be 

# For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Ap- 
pendix, No. I. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 75 

contemning y e poore people in their sicknes, & cursing 
them dayly with greeous execrations, and did not let to 
tell them, that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over 
board before they came to their jurneys end, and to make 
mery with what they had ; and if he were by any gently 
reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it 
plased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite 
this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed 
in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe y e first y l was 
throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne 
head ; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for 
they noted it to be y e just hand of God upon him. 

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a 
season, they were incountred many times with crosse 
winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which 
y e shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works made 
very leakie ; and one of the maine beames in y e midd 
ships was bowed & craked, which put them in some fear 
that y e shipe could not be able to performe y e vioage. So 
some of y e cheefe of y e company, perceiveing y e mariners 
to feare y e suffisiencie of y e shipe, as appeared by their 
mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation with y e 
m r . & other officers of y e ship, to consider in time of y e 
danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves 
into a desperate & inevitable perill. And truly ther was 
great distraction & differance of opinion amongst y e mar- 
iners them selves ; faine would they doe what could be 
done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) 
and on y e other hand they w T ere loath to hazard their lives 
too desperatly. But in examening of all opinions, the 
m r . & others affirmed they knew y e ship to be stronge & 
firme under water ; and for the buckling of y e maine 
beame, ther was a great iron scrue y e passengers brought 
out of Holland, which would raise y e beame into his 
place ; y e which being clone, the carpenter & m r . affirmed 
that with a post put under it, set firme in y e lower deck, 



76 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX. 

& otherways bounde, he would make it suinciente. And 
as for y e decks & uper workes they would calke them as 
well as they could, and though with y e workeing of y e 
ship they would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would 
otherwise be no great danger, if they [46] did not over- 
press her with sails. So they comited them selves to y e 
will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these 
stormes the winds were so feirce, & y e seas so high, as 
they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to 
hull, for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as 
they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge 
man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion 
above y e grattings, was, with a seele * of y e shipe throwne 
into [y e ] sea ; but it pleased God y l he caught hould of y e 
tope-saile halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out 
at length ; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie 
fadomes under water) till he was hald up by y e same rope 
to y e brime of y e water, and then with a boat hooke & 
other means got into y e shipe againe, & his life saved ; 
and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived 
many years after, and became a profitable member both 
in church & coihone wealthe. In all this viage ther died 
but one of y e passengers, which was William Butten, a 
youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near 
y e coast.f But to omite other things, (that I may be 
breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land 
which is called Cape Cocl ; $ the which being made & cer- 
tainly knowne to be it, they were not a litle joyfull. 



* " Seel (with the sailors) is when a break of day, we espied land, which 

ship rolls or is tossed about very sud- we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so 

denly and violently with or by the force afterward it proved." See Mourt's 

of the waves." Dyche's Dictionary. Relation, (or, as Dr. Young styles it, 

— Ed. Bradford and Win si ow's Journal,) in 

f He died November 6th. See Prince, Young, p. 117. There is good rea- 

I. 72, who cites Governor Bradford's son for believing that Bradford wrote 

Pocket Book, which contained a Reg- the earlier portion of this tract, many 

ister of deaths, &c, from November 6, passages in it being almost identical 

1620, to the end of March, 1621. — Ed. with passages in this History. See also 

J " Upon the 9th of November, by Young, p. 115, note 1. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 77 

After some deliberation had amongst them selves & 
with y 3 m r . of y e ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to 
stande for y e southward (y e wind & weather being faire) 
to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for their habi- 
tation. But after they had sailed y 1 course aboute halfe 
y 8 day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring 
breakers, and they were so farr intangled ther with as 
they conceived them selves in great danger ; & y e wind 
shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear up 
againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett 
out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by 
Gods providence they did. And y e next day they gott 
into y e Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie * A word or 
too by y e way of this cape ; it was thus first named by 
Capten Gosnole & his company,*!* An : 1602, and after 
by Capten Smith was caled Cape James ; but it retains y e 
former name amongst sea-men. Also y l pointe which first 
shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called 
Pointe Care, & Tuckers Terrour ; J but y e French & Dutch 
to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous 
shoulds, and y e losses they have suffered their. 

* "Upon the 11th of November we gers from Governor Bradford's list, 

came to an anchor in the bay," &c. appears to have omitted two of the 

" The same day, so soon as we could, number, Trevore and Ely. Prince's 

we set ashore fifteen or sixteen men." list, it will be seen, adds up 101, but 

Mourt, in Young-, pp. 117, 118, 122. it includes both the servant who died " 

See also page 80 of this History. It and the child born on the passage, but 

appears, therefore, that the Mayflower one of whom should be enumerated, 

was sixty-five days on the passage from There were four deaths and one birth 

Plymouth (England ) to Cape Cod , leav- after the arrival at Cape Cod, and before 

ing the former place on the 6th of Sep- the landing of the exploring party in 

tember. By reference to Governor the shallop, at Plymouth, on the 11th of 

Bradford's list of passengers, in the December. See Prince, I. 76,86. — Ed. 
Appendix, it will be seen that one f Because y e y tooke much of y 1 fishe 

hundred and two passengers, includ- ther. 

ing servants and all those who came J " Twelve leagues from Cape Cod, 
over in the employ of the colonists, we descried a point with some breach, 
sailed from Plymouth in the Mayflower, a good distance off, and keeping our luff 
at the final embarkation ; and that the to double it, we came on the sudden into 
same number arrived at Cape Cod. shoal water, yet well quitted ourselves 
William Butten, a servant of Samuel thereof. This breach we called Tuck- 
Fuller, died on the passage, but the er's Terror, upon his expressing fear, 
integrity of the number was preserved The point we named Point Care." 
by the birth of Oceanus Hopkins. Archer's Relation of Gosnold's Voyage, 
Prince, who compiled his list of passen- in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 74. — Ed. 



78 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX. 

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe 
to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed y e God of 
heaven, who had brought them over y e vast & furious 
ocean, and delivered them from all y e periles & miseries 
therof, againe to set their feete on y e firme and stable 
earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they 
were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected 
with Sailing a few miles on y e coast of his owne Italy ; as 
he affirmed,* that he had rather remaine twentie years 
on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a 
short time ; so tedious & dreadfull was y e same unto him. 

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and 
stand half amased at this poore peoples presente con- 
dition ; and so I thinke w T ill the reader too, when he well 
considers [47] y e same. Being thus passed y e vast ocean, 
and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may 
be remembred by y l which wente before), they had now 
no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or 
refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much 
less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure.f It is 
recorded in scripture J as a mercie to y e apostle & his 
shipwraked company, y l the barbarians shewed them no 
smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage bar- 
barians, when they mette with them (as after will ap- 
peare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then 
otherwise. And for y e season it was winter, and they 
that know y e winters of y l cuntrie know them to be sharp 
& violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, deanger- 
ous to travill to known places, much more to serch an 
unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a hid- 
ious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men I 
and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. 

* Epist:53. are at Virginia, Bermudas, and New- 

| " For, besides the natives, the near- foundland ; the nearest of these about 

est plantation to them is a French one 500 miles off, and every one uncapable 

at Port Royal, who have another at of helping them." Prince, I. 94. — Ed. 

Canada. And the only English ones J Act. 28. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 79 

Nether could they, as it were, goe up to y e tope of Pisgah, 
to vew from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed 
their hops; for which way soever they turnd their eys 
(save upward to y e heavens) they could have litle solace 
or content in respecte of any outward, objects. For sumer 
being done, all things stand upon them with a wether- 
beaten face ; and y e whole countrie, full of woods & thick- 
ets, represented a wild & savage heiw. If they looked 
behind them, ther was y e mighty ocean which they had 
passed, and was now as a maine barr & goulfe to seperate 
them from all y e civill parts of y e world. If it be said 
they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew ; but what heard 
they daly from y e m r . & company \ but y l with speede they 
should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they 
would be at some near distance ; for y e season was shuch 
as he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was 
discovered by them wher they would be, and he might 
goe without danger ; and that victells consumed apace, 
but he must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & 
their returne. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they 
gott not a place in time, they would turne them & their 
goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be considred what 
weake hopes of supply & succoure they left behinde them, 
y l might bear up their minds in this sade condition and 
trialls they were under ; and they could not but be very 
smale. It is true, indeed, y e affections & love of their 
brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them, 
but they had litle power to help them, or them selves ; 
and how y e case stode betweene them & y e marchants at 
their coming away, hath allready been declared. What 
could now sustaine them but y e spirite of God & his grace ? 
May not & ought not the children of these fathers rightly 
say : Our faithers were Englishmen which came over this 
great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes ; * 

* Deu: 26.5, 7. 



80 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X. 

but they cried unto y e Lord, and he heard their voyce, and 
looked on their adversitie, 8fc. Let them therfore praise y e 
Lord, because he is good, Sf his mercies endure for ever* 
Yea, let them which have been redeemed of y e Lord, shew 
how he hath delivered them from y e hand of y e oppressour. 
When they wandered in y e deserte willdernes out of y e way, 
and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, fy thirstie, their 
sowle was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before y e 
Lord his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before y e 
sons of men. f 



The 10. Chap. 

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and 
what befell them theraboute. 

[48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Codd y e 11. of November, 
and necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habi- 
tation, (as well as the maisters & mariners importunitie,) 
they having brought a large shalop with them out of Eng- 
land, stowed in quarters in y e ship, they now gott her out 
& sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up; but 
being much brused & shatered in y e shipe w th foule weath- 
er, they saw she would be longe in mending. Wherupon 
a few of them tendered them selves to goe by land and 
discovere those nearest places, whilst y e shallop was in 
mending ; and y e rather because as they wente into y l 
harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or 3. leagues 
of, which y e maister judged to be a river. It was con- 



* 107 Psa: v. 1,2, 4, 5, 8. first twenty-six pages of the original 
f The preceding chapters embrace manuscript, ending on page 42 of this 
that portion of this History which Dr. printed volume, were copied almost en- 
Young published in the Chronicles of tire, though not with verbal accuracy 
the Pilgrims, from the copy made by throughout. Greater liberties were 
Secretary Morton in the Plymouth taken with the remaining portion. Mor- 
Church Records. Morton's copy con- ton was compiling a church history, 
tained large and important omissions, and admits that he made omissions, 
as will be seen by a collation. The See page 196, note *. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 81 

ceived ther might be some danger in y e attempte, yet see- 
ing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16. 
of them well armed, under y e conduct of Captain Standish,* 
having shuch instructions given them as was thought 
meete. They sett forth y e 15. of Nove br : and when they 
had marched aboute y e space of a mile by y e sea side,| they 
espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, 
who were salvages ; but they fled from them, & rahe up 
into y e woods, and y e English followed them, partly to 
see if they could speake with them, and partly to discover 
| if ther might not be more of them lying in ambush. But 
y e Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe 
forsooke the woods, & rane away on y e sands as hard as 
they could, so as they could not come near them, but fol- 
lowed them by y e tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and 
saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming 
on, they made their randevous & set out ther sentinels, 
and rested in quiete y t night, and the next morning % fol- 
lowed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, & 
so left the sands, & turned an other way into y e woods. 
But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find 
their dwellings ; but they soone lost both them & them 
selves, falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear 
their cloaths & armore in peeces, but were most distresed 
for wante of drinke. But at length they found water & 
refreshed them selves, being y e first New-England water 
they drunke of, and was now in thir great thirste as pleas- 
ante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times. 
Afterwards they directed their course to come to y e other 
[49] shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they 

* " Unto whom was adjoined, for than that in Mourt's Relation. Both 

counsel and advise, William Bradford, are doubtless from the same pen. — Ed. 
Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley." f The Mayflower is supposed to have 

Mourt, in Young, pp. 125, 126. Stan- anchored within less than a furlong of 

dish's name appears now for the first the end of Long Point, at which place 

time in this History. Bradford's ac- the men were probably set ashore. See 

count here of their explorations on the Young, pp. 120, 127, notes ; also Mourt, 

Cape, prior to the landing at Plymouth, in Young, p. 150. — Ed. 
is much more brief and less minute % November 16th. — Ed. 

11 



82 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X. 

were to crosse over, and so at length gott to y e sea-side, 
and marched to this supposed river, & by y e way found a 
pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quan- 
titie of clear ground wher y e Indeans had formerly set 
corne, and some of their graves. And proceeding furder 
they saw new-stuble wher corne had been set y e same year, 
also they found wher latly a house had been, wher some 
planks and a great ketle* was remaining, and heaps of 
sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging 
up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with 
corne, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce col- 
lours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing 
never seen any shuch before). This was near y e place of 
that supposed river they came to seeck ; unto which they 
wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes with a 
high cliffe of sand in y e enterance, but more like to be 
crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw ; 
and that ther was good harborige for their shalope ; j" 
leaving it further to be discovered by their shalop when 
she was ready. So their time limeted them being expired, 
they returned to y e ship, least they should be in fear of 
their saftie ; and tooke with them parte of y e corne, and 
buried up y e rest, and so like y e men from Eshcoll carried 
with them of y e fruits of y e land, & showed their breeth- 
ren ; of which, & their returned they were marvelusly 
glad, and their harts incouraged. 

After this, y e shalop being got ready, they set out againe 
for y e better discovery of this place, & y e m r . of y e ship de- 
sired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men,§ but 
found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats ; ther 

* "Which had been some ship's the routes of these early exploring par- 
kettle, and brought out of Europe." ties. Dr. Young's notes to his edition 
Mourt, in Young, p. 133. — Ed. of Mourt may also be consulted with 

f Pamet River. See 1 Mass. Hist, even more advantage. — Ed. 

Coll., VIII. 203-239, where is printed J Their return was on the 17th. 

that portion of Mourt's Relation found See Mourt, in Young, p. 136. — Ed. 

in Purchas, edited, with notes, by Rev. § " About four and thirty men," in- 

Dr. Freeman, whose acquaintance with eluding ten of the ship's crew. Mourt, 

the place enabled him to trace minutely in Young, p. 138. — Ed. 






1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 83 

was allso found 2. of their houses covered with matts, & 
sundrie of their implements in them, but y e people were 
rune away & could not be seen ; also ther was found more 
of their corne, & of their beans of various collours. The 
corne & beans they brought away, purposing to give them 
full satisfaction when they should meete with any of them 
(as about some 6. months afterward they did, to their good 
contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall providence 
of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear 
they gott seed to plant them corne y e next year, or els 
they might have starved, for they had none, nor any likly- 
hood to get any [50] till y e season had beene past (as y e 
sequell did manyfest j. Neither is it lickly they had had 
this, if y e first viage had not been made, for the ground 
was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the 
Lord is never wanting unto his in their greatest needs ; 
let his holy name have all y e praise. 

The month of November being spente in these affairs, 
& much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desem r : they 
sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall 
men, & some sea men,* upon further discovery, intending 
to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was 
very could, & it frose so hard as y e sprea of y e sea lighting 
on their coats, they were as if they had been glased ; yet 
that night betimes they gott downe into y e botome of y e 
bay, and as they drue nere y e shore they saw some 10. or 
12. Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed 
aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a doe to 
put a shore any wher, it lay so full of ffats.'j* Being land- 

* " To wit, Captain Standish, Mas- and three sailors." Mourt, in Young, 

ter Carver, William Bradford, Edward pp. 149, 150. Alderton and English 

Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, were not of the Mayflower's crew. They 

John Houland, and three of London, were both hired, the one to go master 

Richard Warren, Steeven Hopkins, and of a shallop here, and the other was to 

Edward Dotte, and two of our seamen, go back for the help of those behind. 

John Alderton and Thomas English. See the list of passengers in the May- 

Of the ship's company there went two flower, in the Appendix, No. I. — Ed. 

of the master's mates, Master Clarke f Being obliged to wade " oft to the 

and Master Coppin, the master gunner, knees " durinj this cold weather, pass- 



84 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X. 

ed, it grew late, and they made them selves a barricade 
with loggs & bowes as well as they could in y e time, & set 
out their sentenill & betooke them to rest, and saw y e 
smoake of y e fire y e savages made y l night. When morn- 
ing was come * they devided their company, some to coast 
alonge y e shore in y e boate, and the rest marched throw y e 
woods to see y e land, if any fit place might be for their 
dwelling. They came allso to y e place wher they saw the 
Indans y e night before, & found they had been cuting up 
a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike 
of fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by 
y e way ; and y e shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead 
on y e sands, a thing usuall after storms in y l place, by rea- 
son of y e great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged 
up and doune all y l day, but found no people, nor any 
place they liked. When y e sune grue low, they hasted out 
of y e woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they 
made signes to come to them into a creeke hardby, the 
which they did at highwater; of which they were very 
glad, for they had not seen each other all y l day, since y e 
morning. So they made them a barricado (as usually 
they did every night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine 
bowes, y e height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, 
partly to shelter them from y e could & wind (making 
their fire in y e midle, & lying round aboute it), and partly 
to defend them from any sudden assaults of y e savags, if 
they should surround them. So being very weary, they 
betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, [51] they 
heard a hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled, 
"Arme, arme"; so they bestired them & stood to their 
amies, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys 
seased. They concluded it was a companie of wolves, or 
such like willd beasts ; for one of y e sea men tould them 

ing to and from their boat, " it brought whereof many died." Mourt, in Young, 

to the most, if not all, coughs and colds, p. 138. — Ed. 

which afterwards turned to scurvy, * December 7th. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 85 

he had often heard shuch a noyse in New-found land. So 
they rested till about 5. of y e clock in the morning ;* for 
y e tide, & ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be 
s tiring betimes. So after praier they prepared for break- 
fast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be 
earring things downe to y e boate. But some said it was 
not best to carrie y e armes downe, others said they would 
be the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats 
from y e dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till 
they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, y e water being 
not high enough, they layed them downe on y e banke side, 
& came up to breakfast. But presently, all on y e sudain, 
they heard a great & strange crie, which they knew to be 
the same voyces they heard in y e night, though they va- 
ried their notes, & one of their company being abroad 
came runing in, & cried, " Men, Indeans, Indeans " ; and 
w th all, their arowes came flying amongst them. Their 
men rane with all speed to recover their armes, as by y e 
good providence of God they did. In y e mean time, of 
those that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged 
at them, & 2. more stood ready in y e enterance of ther 
randevoue, but were comanded not to shoote till they 
could take full aime at them ; & y e other 2. charged againe 
with all speed, for ther were only 4. had armes ther, & 
defended y e baricado which was first assalted. The crie 
of y e Indeans was dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther 
men rune out of y e randevoue towourds y e shallop, to re- 
cover their armes, the Indeans wheeling aboute upon 
them. But some runing out with coats of malle on, & 
cutlasses in their hands, they soone got their armes, & 
let flye amongs them, and quickly stopped their violence. 
Yet ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, stood be- 
hind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his arrows 
flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all 

* December 8th. — Ed. 



86 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X. 

avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking 
full aime at him, and made y e barke or splinters of y e tree 
fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary 
shrike, and away they wente all of them. They left some 
to keep y e shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of 
a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. 
peces, & so returned. This they did, that they might 
conceive that they were not [52] affrade of them or any 
way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their 
enimies, and give them deliverance ; and by his spetiall 
providence so to dispose that not any one of them were 
either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by 
them, & on every side them, and sundry of their coats, 
which hunge up in y e barricado, were shot throw & throw. 
Aterwards they gave God sollamne thanks & praise for 
their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, 
& sente them into England afterward by y e m r . of y e ship, 
and called that place y e first encounter. From hence they 
departed, & costed all along, but discerned no place likly 
for harbor ; & therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, 
(one M r . Coppin who had bine in y e cuntrie before) did 
assure them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and 
they might fetch it before night; of which they were 
glad, for it begane to be foule weather. After some houres 
sailing, it begane to snow & raine, & about y e midle of y e 
afternoone, y e wind increased, & y e sea became very rough, 
and they broake their rudder, & it was as much as 2. men 
could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their 
pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw y e harbor ; 
but y e storme increasing, & night drawing on, they bore 
what saile they could to gett in, while they could see. 
But herwith they broake their mast in 3. peeces, & their 
saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had 
like to have been cast away ; yet by Gods mercie they re- 
covered them selves, & having y e floud with them, struck 
into y e harbore. But when it came too, y e pillott was 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 87 

deceived in y e place, and said, y e Lord be mercifull unto 
them, for his eys never saw y l place before ; & he & the 
m r . mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of 
breakers, before y e winde. But a lusty seaman which 
steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about 
with her, or ells they were all cast away ; the which 
they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere & 
row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, & he 
doubted not but they should find one place or other wher 
they might ride in saftie. And though it was very darke, 
and rained sore, yet in y e end they gott under y e lee of a 
smalle iland, and remained ther all y l night in saftie. But 
they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but were 
devided in their minds ; some would keepe y e boate for fear 
they might be amongst y e Indians ; others were so weake 
and could, they could not endure, but got a shore, & with 
much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) and y e rest 
were glad to come to them ; for after midnight y e wind 
shifted to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But though 
this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger 
unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte 8c 
refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for y e next 
day was a faire sunshinig day, and they found them sellvs 
to be on an iland* secure from y e Indeans, wher they 
might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, & rest them selves, 
and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould 
deliverances. And this being the last day of y e weeke,\ they 
prepared ther to keepe y e Sahath.% On Munday they sound- 
ed y e harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping ; and marched 
into y e land,§ 8c found diverse cornfeilds, & litle runing 

*" This was afterwards called Clark's For a history and description of the 

island, because Mr. Clark, the master's island, see Thacher's Plymouth, pp. 

mate, first stepped on shore thereon." 82, 153, 158, 330; Russell's Pilgrim 

Morton's Memorial, p. 21. This island Memorials, ed. 1855, pp. 87-90. — Ed. 

was sold by the town, in 1690, to f Saturday, December 9th. — Ed. 

Samuel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and % Sunday, December 10th.— Ed. 

George Morton, and is now under good § December 11th, celebrated as the 

cultivation by Mr. Edward Watson, day of the landing of the Pilgrims at 



HISTORY OF 



[CHAP. X. 



brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation ; at 
least it was y e best they could find, and y e season, & their 
presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So 
they returned to their shipp againe with this news to 
y e rest of their people, which did much comforte their 
harts.* 

On y e 15. of Desem r : they wayed anchor to goe to y e 
place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues of it, 
but were faine to bear up againe ; but y e 16. day y e winde 
came faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And 
after wards tooke better view of y e place, and resolved 
wher to pitch their dwelling ; and y e 25. day begane to 
erecte y e first house for coihone usef to receive them and 
their goods. 



Plymouth. It corresponds to Decem- 
ber 21st, new style. By a singular 
error, the 22d was supposed to be the 
true " Forefathers' Day" and for years 
has been duly observed as such. In a 
manuscript note of the late Judge Davis, 
written in his own copy of his edition 
of the Memorial, he says: "In 1620, 
December 11, 0. S., corresponded to 
December 21, N. S. When the anni- 
versary was instituted at Plymouth in 
1769, eleven days were added for differ- 
ence of style, instead of ten, the true 
difference. The difference between old 
and new style then existing was in- 
correctly assumed in determining the 
day of celebration." — Ed. 

* This exploring party of eighteen 
persons, six of whom were of the crew 
of the Mayflower, were absent from their 
companions about a week. They found, 
on their return, that on the day after 
their leaving the ship, December 7th, 
Dorothy, the wife of Bradford, who was 
with the absent party, fell overboard, 
and was drowned. See Mather's Mag- 
nalia, Book II. Chap. I. ; Prince, I. 76. 
— Ed. 



f The common house was about 
twenty feet square ; tradition locates it 
on the south side of Leyden Street, 
near the declivity of the hill. See 
Mourt, in Young, p. 173 ; Thacher's 
Plymouth, pp. 27, 28. 

From the minute journal of their 
daily proceedings, in Mourt's Relation, 
we learn that on the 28th of December, 
as many as could went to work on the 
hill (Burial Hill), where they proposed 
to build a platform for their ordnance ; 
and on the same day they proceeded to 
measure out the grounds for their hab- 
itations, having first reduced all the in- 
habitants to nineteen families. On the 
9th of January, they went to labor in 
the building of their town, in two rows 
of houses. The houses were built on 
each side of what is now Leyden Street. 
The first entry in the first book of the 
Plymouth Colony Records, is an incom- 
plete list of the " Meersteads and Gar- 
den-Plotes of those which came first, 
layed out, 1620." See Mourt, in 
Young, pp. 169, 170, 173 ; Hazard's 
Historical Collections, I. 100. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 89 



The 2. Booke. 



The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportu- 
nitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, 
noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages 
as they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be prof- 
itable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as 
y e 2. Booke. 

The remainder of An : 1620. 

I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combina- 
tion made by them before they came ashore, being y e first 
foundation of their govermente in this place ; occasioned 
partly by y e discontented & mutinous speeches that some 
of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in 
y e ship — That when they came a shore they would use 
their owne libertie ; for none had power to coinand them, 
the patente they had being for Virginia,* and not for New- 
england, which belonged to an other Goverment, with 
which y e Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And 
partly that shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their 
condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and 
in some respects more sure. 
The forme was as followeth. 

In y e name of God, Amen. We whose names are under- 
writer!, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King 
James, by y e grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland 
king, defender of y e faith, &c, haveing undertaken, for y e glorie 

* See page 41. — Ed. 

12 



90 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

of God, and advancemente of y e Christian faith, and honour of 
our king & countrie, a voyage to plant y e first colonie in y e 
Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & 
mutualy in y e presence of God, and one of another, covenant 
& combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for 
our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of y e ends 
aforesaid ; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame 
such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offi- 
ces, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & con- 
venient for y e generall good of y e Colonie, unto which we prom- 
ise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we 
have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd y e 11. of 
November, in y e year of y e raigne of our soveraigne lord, King 
James, of England, France, & Ireland y e eighteenth, and of 
Scotland y e fiftie fourth. An : Dom. 1620.* 

After this they chose, or rather confirmed,! M r . John 
Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) 
their Governonr for that year. And after they had pro- 
vided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which 
were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of win- 
ter weather, and sicknes of diverce,J) and begune some 
small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, 
they mette and consulted of lawes & orders, both for their 
civill & military Govermente, as y e necessitie of their con- 
dition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion 
in severall times, and as cases did require. 

In these hard & diificulte beginings they found some 
discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mu- 

* Bradford gives no list here of the went betimes to work. We were much 

signers of this compact. Morton must hindered in lying so faroff from the land, 

have had some other authority than this and fain to go as the tide served, that 

History for the names he has appended we lost much time ; for our ship drew 

to it in the Memorial, or else he supplied so much water that she lay a mile and 

them by conjecture from Bradford's list almost a half off, though a ship of sev- 

of passengers in the Appendix. If we enty or eighty tons at high water may 

may suppose this compact to have been come to the shore." Mourt, in Young, 

signed by all the adult male passengers, p. 171. This tract contains a chrono- 

it would seem that other names besides logical history of events in the colony 

those Morton has given should have down to the latter part of March, and 

been included. — Ed. should be read in connection with the 

f See page 99, note f . — Ed. narrative in the text. This portion was 

J " Monday, the first of January, we doubtless from Bradford's pen. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 91 

tinous speeches & carriags in other ; but they were soone 
quelled & overcome by y° wisdome, patience, and just & 
equall carrage of things by y e Gov r and better part, \v ch 
clave faithfully togeather in y e maine. But that which 
was most sadd & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths 
time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: & 
February, being . y e depth of winter, and wanting houses 
& other comforts ; being infected with y e scurvie & 
[55] other diseases, which this long vioage & their in- 
acomodate condition had brought upon them ; so as ther 
dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in y e foresaid time ; 
that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained.* And of 
these in y e time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. 
sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it 
spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abun- 
dance of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched 
them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their 
beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & un- 
cloathed them ; in a word, did all y e homly 8c necessarie 
offices for them w ch dainty 8c quesie stomacks cannot en- 
dure to hear named ; and all this willingly & cherfully, 
without any grudging in y e least, shewing herein their 
true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example 
& worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were M r . 
William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, 
ther Captein 8c military comander, unto whom my selfe, 
8c many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke 
condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as 
in this generall calamity they were not at all infected 
either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of 
these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall 

* The bill of mortality, as collected by added to the list, which would include 

Prince, from Bradford's pocket-book, Carver and his wife, making the nura- 

is as follows. There died in December, ber of deaths fifty. See also list of 

6; in January, 8 ; in February, 17; in passengers in the Appendix, No. I.; 

March, 13 ; total, forty-four. Accord- Prince, I. 80, 98, 103, 104, 105; 

ing to Smith, before the arrival of the Smith's New England's Trials, p. 16. 

Fortune, November 9th, six more were — Ed. 



92 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

vissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, 
yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting 
to any that had need of them. And I doute not but 
their recompence is with y e Lord. 

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable pas- 
sage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among y e 
passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were 
hasted a shore and made to drinke water, that y e sea-men 
might have y e more bear, and one * in his sicknes desiring 
but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were 
their owne father he should have none ; the disease be- 
gane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of 
their company dyed before they went away, and many of 
their officers and lustyest men, as y e boatson, gunner, 
3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w ch y e m r . was 
something strucken and sent to y e sick a shore and tould 
y e Gov r he should send for beer for them that had need of 
it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now 
amongst his company [56] ther was farr another kind of 
carriage in this miserie then amongst y e passengers ; for 
they that before had been boone companions in drinking 
& joyllity in y e time of their health & wellfare, begane now 
to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would 
not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by 
coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they 
came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, 
but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of y e passen- 
gers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they 
could, w ch made some of their harts relente, as y e boatson 
(& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would 
often curse & scofe at y e passengers ; but when he grew 
weak, they had compassion on him and helped him ; then 
he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had 
abused them in word & deed. O ! saith he, you, I now see, 

# Which was this author him selfe. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 93 

shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but 
we let one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay 
cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had 
never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his 
felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of them, he 
had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they 
were now weary of him, and did not help him, having 
need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, 
to help him in his weaknes ; he went and got a litle spise 
& made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he 
dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his 
fellows, & swore y e rogue would cousen him, he would see 
him choaked before he made him any more meate ; and 
yet y e pore fellow dyed before morning. 

All this while y e Indians came skulking about them, 
and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but 
when any aproached near them, they would rune away. 
And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been 
at worke, & were gone to diner. But about y e 16. of 
March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and 
spoke to them in broken English, which they could well 
understand, but marvelled at it. At length they under- 
stood by discourse with him, that he was not of these 
parts, but belonged to y e eastrene parts, wher some Eng- 
lish-ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, 
& could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst 
whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to 
them [57] in aquainting them with many things concern- 
ing y e state of y e cuntry in y e east-parts wher he lived, 
which was afterwards profitable unto them ; as also of y e 
people hear, of their names, number, & strength ; of their 
situation & distance from this place, and who was cheefe 
amongst them. His name was Samaset ; he tould them 
also of another Indian whos name was Squanto, a native 
of this place, who had been in England & could speake 
better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of 



94 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

entertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came 
againe, & 5. more with him, & they brought againe all y e 
tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for y e 
coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt ; who, 
about 4. or 5. days after , came with the cheefe of his 
freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. 
With whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts 
given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now 
continued this 24. years # ) in these terms.-j* 

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or 
doe hurte to any of their peopl. 

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he 
should send y e offender, that they might punish him. 

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of 
theirs, he should cause it to be restored ; and they should 
doe y e like to his. 

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would 
aide him ; if any did warr against them, he should aide 
them. 

5. He should send to his neigbours confederats, to cer- 
tifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but 
might be likewise comprised in y e conditions of peace. 

6. That when ther men came to them, they should 
leave their bows & arrows behind them. 

After these things he returned to his place caled So- 
ivams,% some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto con- 

* Bradford is here writing in 1645. in Mourt, which, however, can hardly 

Prince, I. 102, quoting the above, ob- be considered one of the articles to the 

serves, " To which I may add, Yea, treaty, viz.: " Lastly, that doing thus, 

30 years longer, viz. to 1675." — Ed. King James would esteem of him as 

f An abstract of this treaty is also in his friend and ally." — Ed. 
Mourt's Relation. The two copies vary J The village of Sowams, the resi- 
in the third and sixth articles. In the dence of Massasoit, was situated upon 
third article, in Mourt, the security to the spot now occupied by the town of 
the English has reference merely to Warren. " The reg.on now constitut- 
their tools, that they should be restored ing Bristol, Barrington, and Warren, 
if taken away by the Indians; and the in Rhode Island, with parts of Swan- 
sixth article is made reciprocal by the zea and Seekonk, in Massachusetts, 
addition of the following: "as we was called Pokanoket by the Indians, 
should do our pieces when we come to and was the district occupied by the 
them." There is an additional clause tribe of Wampanoags, under the imme- 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 95 

tiiied with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spe- 
tiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their 
expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, 
wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and 
was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places 
for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He 
was a native [58] of this place, & scarce any left alive 
besids him selfe.* He was caried away with diverce others 
by one Hunt.f a m r . of a ship, who thought to sell them 
for slaves in Spaine ; but he got away for England, and 
was entertained by a marchante J in London, & imployed 
to New-found-land & other parts, & lastly brought hither 
into these parts by one M r . Dermer, a gentle-man im- 
ployed by S r . Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, 
& other disignes in these parts. Of whom I shall say 
some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth 
An : 1622. by y e Presidente & Counsell for New-England,§ 
that he made y e peace betweene y e salvages of these parts 
& y e English ; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, 
had y e benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by 
what befell him & his men. 

diate government of Massasoit, whose and all our men, carried them with him 

dominion, however, extended over near- to Malaga, and there for a little private 

ly all the southeastern part of Massa- gain sold those silly savages for rials of 

chusetts, from Cape Cod to Narragan- eight." Smith's Generall Historie, fol. 

sett Bay." Fessenden's History of ed., pp. 204, 205. In the Brief Rela- 

Warren, R. I., being a Supplement to tion of Discovery and Plantation, by the 

Tustin's Dedication Discourse preached President and Counsell for New En g- 

at Warren, 1845. — Ed. land, it is said that Hunt " sold as many 

* Referring, doubtless, to the destruc- as he could get money for. But when 

tion of his tribe by the plague, which, it was understood from whence they 

by the concurrent testimony of our early were brought, the friers of those parts 

writers, spread over nearly the whole took the rest from them, and kept them 

of New England, a few years before to be instructed in the Christian faith." 

the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. — Ed. 
— Ed. % Master John Slanie, a merchant of 

f Thomas Hunt was in company with London, who was one of the undertakers 

Captain John Smith in his voyage to of the Newfoundland Plantation, and 

New England, in 1614, and was master Treasurer of the Company. See New 

of the ship that " stayed to fit herself Life of Virginia, in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., 

for Spain with the dry fish." After VIII. 226; Mourt, in Young, p. 191. 

Smith had gone, Hunt "betrayed four — Ed. 

and twenty of those poor savages aboard § Page 17. [This book is printed in 

his ship, and most dishonestly and in- 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., IX. 1. — Ed.] 
humanly, for their kind usage of me 



96 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



This M r . Dermer was hear the same year that these 
people came, as apears by a relation written by him, & 
given me by a freind, bearing date June 30. An : 1620. 
And they came in Novemb r : following, so ther was but 
4. months differance. In which relation to his honored 
freind, he hath these passages of this very place. 

I will first begine (saith he) w th that place from whence 
Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; w ch in Cap: Smiths 
mape is called Plimoth : * and I would that Plimoth had y e like 
comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be 
seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. 
Otherwise at Charlton,f because ther y e savages are lese to be 
feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to y e west of Plimoth, bear 
an inveterate malice to y e English, and are of more streingth 
then all y e savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire 
of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having 
many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their mur- 



* The name of Captain John Smith 
will always he honorably associated 
with our early history. His little tract, 
entitled A Description of New Eng- 
land, published in 1616, giving- an ac- 
count of his voyage hither two years 
before, is the first printed book in which 
the country, previously styled North 
Virginia, is called New England. The 
map which accompanied it, consider- 
ing the circumstances under which it 
was made, is remarkable for its accu- 
racy. It is interesting to notice that 
many of the names which our towns 
and cities now rejoice in, are given on 
his map to prominent places on the 
coast ; though but a few of these places 
have retained them. Plymouth is an 
exception, for it still bears the name as- 
signed to the place by Smith. We are 
not told when the Pilgrims formally 
adopted it. They must have been fa- 
miliar with Smith's map, and could not 
long have been ignorant of the fact, that 
the spot which they had selected for 
their plantation bore this name. Morton 
says, " This name of Plymouth was so 
called, not only for the reason here 
named, but also because Plymouth in 
O. E. was the last town they left in 



their native country ; and for that they 
received many kindnesses from some 
Christians there." The place was at 
an early period called New Plymouth, 
In William Hilton's letter written from 
this place, in 1621, it is so styled ; and it 
became the legal designation of the col- 
ony. As their numbers increased, and 
towns began to spring up within the 
jurisdiction, the early place of settle- 
ment, as a town, was called Plymouth, 
while the colony or plantation was 
styled New Plymouth. On some of the 
later impressions of Smith's map, issued 
in some of his other works, after the 
establishment of this colony, the word 
"New" is engraved over the name 
Plymouth. See Smith's Description 
of New England ; also his New Eng- 
land's Trials, 2d ed., pp. 15, 16 ; 
Rich's Catalogue of Books relating to 
America, London, 1832, p. 34 ; Mor- 
ton's Memorial, p. 25 ; Plymouth Col- 
ony Laws, Brigham's ed., pp. 22-38. 
— Ed. 

f On some of the later editions of 
Smith's map, issued possibly in 1631 
or 1632, "Charlton" appears on the 
south side of the River Charles, not 
far from the mouth. — Ed. 



1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 97 

derers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie 
on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be 
douted ; yet they beleeve they were, for y e Frenche have so 
possest them ; for which cause Squanto canot deney but they 
would have kiled me when I was at Namasket* had he not 
entreated hard for me. The soyle of y e borders of [59] this great 
bay, may be compared to most of y e plantations which I have 
seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts ; for Patuxite f 
is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel % & Saughtughtett § are for 
y e most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher 
groweth y e best Tobaco in Virginia. In y e botume of y l great 
bay is store of Codd & basse, or mulett, &c. 

But above all he comends Pacanawkite || for y e richest 
soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c. 

Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate 
in y e mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very 
fertill for y e most parte. 

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to tran- 
scribe, being now better knowne then they were to him. 

He was taken prisoner by y e Indeans at Manamoiak^ (a 
place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave 
them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they 
had gott what they desired, they kept him still & indev- 
ored to kill his men ; but he was freed by seasing on some 
of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a can- 
nows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 
1778.** But this was An : 1619. 

After y e writing of y e former relation he came to y e He 
of Capawack ft (which lyes south of this place in y e way to 

* In Middleborough. — Ed. in the first edition of his Memorial, 

f Plymouth. —Ed. "Now called Martin's Vineyard." 

j Nauset, — Eastham. — Ed. Belknap says, " The large island is fre- 

\ Satuket, part of Brewster. — Ed. quently called Martin's Vineyard, es- 

|| See page 94, note %. — Ed. pecially by old writers." The name 

■jf Chatham. — Ed. Martha's Vineyard was orginally given 

** Volume IV., in which is a letter to the small island now called No- 

fromDermer, dated December 27, 1619, man's-Land. It is uncertain for what 

six months before the letter just quoted, reason, and at what time, the name was 

— Ed. transferred to the large island. See 

ft Martha's Vineyard. Morton says Morton's Memorial, 1st ed., p. 26; 

13 



98 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

Virginia), and y e foresaid Squanto w lh him, wher he going 
a shore amongst y e Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was 
betrayed & assaulted by them, & all his men slaine, but 
one that kept the boat ; but him selfe gott abord very sore 
wounded, & they had cut of his head upon y e cudy of his 
boat, had not y e man reskued him with a sword. And so 
they got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he 
dyed ; whether of his wounds or y e diseases of y e cuntrie, 
or both togeather, is uncertaine.* [60] By all which it 
may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and 
with what danger this plantation was begune, save as y e 
powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These things t 
were partly the reason why they kept aloofe & were so 
long before they came to the English. An other reason 
(as after them selvs made know) was how aboute 3. years 
before, a French-ship was cast away at Cajp-Codd, but y e 
men gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their vic- 
tails, & other goods ; but after y e Indeans heard of it, they 
geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watch- 
ing & dogging them till they got advantage, and Mid them 
all but 3. or 4. which they kept, & sent from one Sachem 
to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then 
slaves ; (of which y e foresaid M r . Dermer redeemed 2. of 
them ;) and they conceived this ship was now come to re- 
venge it. 

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to 
y e English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs 
of y e cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish 
maner to curse & execrate them with their cunjurations, 
which asembly & service they held in a darke & dismale 
swampe. 

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased 

Archer's Relation of Gosnold's Voyage, he died, Bee 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., IX. 

in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 75 ; Bel- 7- 13 ; Smith's Generall Historie, fol. 

knap, II. 111-113. — Ed. ed., p. 229; Belknap, I. 361, 362; 

* For a further account of Dermer, Purchas, IV. 1778. — Ed. 
who was in the service of Gorges when f Thing in the manuscript. — Ed. 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 09 

God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and y c 
sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new 
life into them ; though they had borne their sadd affliction 
with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke any peo- 
ple could doe. But it was y e Lord which upheld them, 
and had beforehand prepared them ; many having long 
borne y e yoake, yea from their youth. Many other smaler 
maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready pub- 
lished in a Jurnall* made by one of y e company; and 
some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy pub- 
lished, to which I referr those that are willing to know 
them more perticulerly. And being now come to y e 25. 
of March I shall begine y e year 1621.f 

[61] Anno 1621. 

They now begane to dispatch y e ship away which 
brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or y e 
begining of Aprill.J The reason on their parts why she 
stayed so long, was y e necessitie and danger that lay upon 
them, for it was well towards y e ende of Desember before 
she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any 
thing ashore. Afterwards, y e 14. of Jan: the house which 

* The tract described on page 76, of May." The Mayflower remained in 

entitled a " Relation or Iournall of the the country nearly five months. What- 

beginning and proceedings of the Eng- ever impressions the reader may have 

lish Plantation setled at Plimoth in derived of the character of Jones, the 

New England," &c, London, 1622 ; master, it will have been observed that 

usually styled Mourt's Relation, the Bradford is here silent as to the charge 

address to the reader being signed G. which Morton brings against him, of 

Movrt. — Ed. having agreed with the Dutch to throw 

f It appears from Mourt, that about obstacles in the way of the settlement 

this time Mr. Carver was again chosen of the Pilgrims at Hudson's River. 

"Governor for this year." Theexpres- Morton, who published his Memorial in 

sion of Bradford on page 90, in noticing 1669, twelve years after the death of 

Carver's first election, — viz. that he Bradford, speaks of the " intelligence " 

was "confirmed" their Governor, — concerning this plot as " late and cer- 

may possibly be an inadvertence, and tain." See Young, p. 102; Russell's 

may have been intended to apply to his Guide to Plymouth, p. 42 ; Brodhead's 

re-election at this time. — Ed. New York, pp. 129, 130 ; Barry's Hist. 

% Smith, in his New England's Tri- of Massachusetts, pp. 81, 82; where 

als, p. 16, says, "about the fifth of this question is considered. — Ed. 
April, and arrived in England the sixth 



100 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell 
afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. 
Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and 
y e weather so bad as they could not make much sooner 
any dispatch. Againe, the Gov r & cheefe of them, seeing 
so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no 
wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, 
and y e danger they stood in from y e Indeans, till they could 
procure some shelter ; and therfore thought it better to 
draw some more charge upon them selves & freinds, then 
hazard all. The m r . and sea-men like- wise, though before 
they hasted y e passengers a shore to be goone, now many 
of their men being dead, & of y e ablest of them, (as is be- 
fore noted,) and of y e rest many lay sick & weake, y e m r . 
durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to re- 
cover, and y 9 hart of winter over. 

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant 
ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them in great 
stead, showing them both y e maner how to set it, and after 
how to dress & tend it. Also he tould them excepte they 
gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it would 
come to nothing, and he showed them y l in y e midle of 
Aprill they should have store enough come up y e brooke, 
by which they begane to build, and taught them how to 
take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary for 
them ; all which they found true by triall & experience. 
Some English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it 
came not to good, eather by y e badnes of y e seed, or late- 
nes of y e season, or both, or some other defecte. 

[62] In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie 
about their seed, their Gov r (M r . John Carver*) came out 
of y e feild very sick, it being a hott day ; he complained 
greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within a few 

* What is known concerning Carver no descendants. See list of passengers 

is derived from this History, Mourt's in the Mayflower, in the Appendix, No. 

Relation, and Morton's Memorial. Con- I. — Ed. 
trary to the general impression, he left 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 101 

howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till 
he dyed, which was within a few days after. Whoss 
death was much lamented, and caused great heavines 
amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in y c 
best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all 
that bore armes ; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed 
within 5. or 6. weeks after him. 

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove r in his 
stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which 
he had been near y e point of death, Isaak Allerton was 
chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed 
election every year, continued sundry years togeather,* 
which I hear note once for all. 

May 12. was y e first mariage in this place,f which, ac- 
cording to y e laudable custome of y e Low-Cuntries, in 
which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be 
performed by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon 
which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende, 
with other things most proper to their cognizans, and 
most consonante to y e scripturs, Ruth 4. and no wher 
found in y e gospell to be layed on y e ministers as a part 
of their office. " This decree or law about mariage was 
publishd by y e Stats of y 3 Low-Cuntries An : 1590. That 
those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, 
coming before y e magistrats, in y e Town or Stat-house, 
were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." 
Petets Hist. J fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued 
amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all y e 
famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time, — 
An : 1646. 

* In 1624, it will be seen, the As- of February. See Prince, I. 76, 98, 

sistants were increased to five, giving 103, 105. — Ed. 
the Governor a double voice. — Ed. % The work here cited is probably 

f This was the marriage of Edward "La grande Chronique ancienne et 

Winslow, — whose former wife, Eliza- moderne de Holland, Zelande, West- 

beth, died on the 24th of March pre- frise, Utrecht," &c, by Jean-Francois 

ceding, — to Mrs. Susannah White, the le Petit, 1601 and 1611. No copy of 

mother of Peregrine and the widow of this work exists in any of the public 

William White, who died on the 21st libraries in thij neighborhood. — Ed. 



102 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, 
it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their 
new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon him some 
gratuitie to bind him y e faster unto them ; as also that 
hearby they might veiw y e countrie, and see in what maner 
he lived, what strength he had aboute him, and how y e 
ways were to his place, if at any time they should have 
occasion. So y e 2. of July * they sente M r . Edward Wins- 
low & M r . Hopkins, with y e foresaid Squanto for ther 
guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans 
coate, with some other small things, which were kindly 
accepted; but they found but short comons, and came 
both weary & hungrie home. For y e Indeans used then 
to have nothing [63] so much corne as they have since 
y e English have stored them with their hows, and seene 
their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. 
They found his place to be 40. myles from hence, y e soyle 
good, & y e people not many, being dead & abundantly 
wasted in y e late great mortalitie which fell in all these 
parts aboute three years before y e coming of y e English, 
wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to 
burie one another ; ther sculs and bones were found in 
many places lying still above ground, where their houses 
& dwellings had been ; a very sad spectackle to behould. 
But they brought word that y e Narighansets lived but on 
y e other side of that great bay, & were a strong people, 
& many in number, living compacte togeather, & had not 
been at all touched with this wasting plague. 

Aboute y e later end of this month, one John Billington f 
lost him selfe in y e woods, & wandered up & downe some 
5. days, living on beries & what he could find. At length he 
light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, 

* For a full account of this visit to lows Bradford. See Young, p. 202, 

Massasoit, written probably by Wins- note ; Prince, I. 105. — Ed. 

low, see Mourt, in Young, pp. 202-213. f He was the brother of Francis, 

It is there stated that the party set for- who discovered Billington Sea, and a 

ward on their journey the 10th of June, son of the notorious John. See list of 

which Prince thinks an error, and fol- passengers, in the Appendix. — Ed. 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 103 

called Manamet, they conveid him furder of, to Nawsett, 
among those peopl that had before set upon y e English 
when they were costing, whiles t y e ship lay at y e Cape, as 
is before noted. But y e Gove r caused him to be enquired 
for among y e Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word 
wher he was, and y e Gove r sent a shalop for him, & had 
him delivered. Those people also came and made their 
peace ; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose 
corne they had found & taken when they were at Cap- 
Codd* 

Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well estab- 
lisht w lh the natives aboute them ; and ther was an other 
Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst them, a 
proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour 
& parts amongst y e Indeans, and continued very faithfull 
and constant to y e English till he dyed. He & Squanto 
being gone upon bussines amonge y e Indeans, at their re- 
turne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to 
the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to 
Massassoyte, but never any good freind to y e English to 
this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Na- 
massakett 14. miles to y e west of this place, and begane to 
quarell w th [64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack ; but 
being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came 
runing away all sweating and tould y e Gov r what had 
befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for 
they threatened them both, and for no other cause but 
because they were freinds to y e English, and servisable 
unto them. Upon this y e Gove r taking counsell, it was 
conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer 
their freinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they 
should have none would cleave unto them, or give them 
any inteligence, or doe them serviss afterwards ; but nexte 

* For the narrative of the expedition is a discrepancy in the dates, but Prince 
in search of the boy Billington, see follows this History. See Prince, I. 
Mourt, in Young, pp. 214-218. There 107. — Ed. 



104 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was re- 
solved to send y e Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to 
goe & fall upon them in y e night ; and if they found that 
Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not to 
hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hobamack was 
asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther 
before day. He said he would, & bring them to y e house 
wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they 
set forth y e 14. of August, and beset y e house round ; the 
Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred y e house 
to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so 
they mist him ; but understood y l Squanto was alive, & 
that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an offer 
to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no 
more hurte, & y e people came trembling, & brought them 
the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted 
by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3.* 
sore wounded which broak out of y e house, and asaid to 
pass through y e garde. These they brought home with 
them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente 
home. After this they had many gratulations from di- 
verce sachims, and much firmer peace ; yea, those of y e 
lies of Capawack sent to make frendship ; and this Cor- 
bitant him selfe used y e mediation of Massassoyte to make 
his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while 
after. 

After this, y e 18. of Sepemb r : they sente out ther shalop 
to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and [§&] Squanto for 
their guid and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, 
and trade with y e natives ; the which they performed, and 
found kind entertainement. The people were much aifraid 
of y e Tarentins, a people to y e eastward which used to 
come in harvest time and take away their corne, & many 
times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and 

* " One man and a woman that were in Young, where is a more fall narra- 
wounded went home with us." Mourt, tive of this visit to Namasket. — Ed. 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 105 

brought home a good quanty of beaver, and made reporte 
of y e place, wishing they had been ther seated ; (but it 
seems y e Lord, who assignes to all men y e bounds of their 
habitations, had apoynted it for an other use.) And thus 
they found y e Lord to be with them in all their ways, and 
to blesse their outgoings & incomings, for which let his 
holy name have y e praise for ever, to all posteritie* 

They begane now to gather in y e small harvest they 
had, and to fltte up their houses and dwellings against 
winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, and 
had all things in good plenty ; for as some were thus im- 
ployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, 
aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which y ey tooke good 
store, of which every family had their portion. All y e 
somer ther was no wante. And now begane to come in 
store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place 
lid abound when they came first (but afterward de- 
creased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was 
^reat store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, 
Desids venison, &c. Besids they had aboute a peck a 
neale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean 
uorne to y l proportion. Which made many afterwards 
^vrite so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in 
England, which were not fained, but true reports. f 

In Novemb r , about y l time twelfe month that them 
;elves came, ther came in a small ship J to them unex- 
pected or loked for,§ in which came M r . Cushman (so 

* For a more full " relation of our printed in Mourt's Relation, which was 

'oyage to the Massachusetts, and what probably sent over at the same time, 

lappened there," see Mourt, in Young, Hilton's letter first appeared in New 

>p. 224 - 229. — Ed. England's Trials. — Ed. 

f Reference is here made, doubtless, J The Fortune, of fifty-five tons. She 

o letters of Winslow and Hilton, sent sailed from London " in the beginning 

o England by the Fortune, in which of July, but it was the end of August 

'hey give a flattering description of the ere they could pass Plymouth, and 

;ountry, and speak of the colony as in a arrived at New Plymouth in New 

>rosperous condition. " We are so far England the eleventh of November." 

ree from want," writes the former, Smith's New England's Trials, p. 16, 

'' that we often wish you partakers of — Ed. 

>ur plenty." Winslow's letter was § She came y e 9. to y e Cap. 

14 



106 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons* to 
remaine & live in y e plantation ; which did not a litle re- 
joyce them. And they when they came a shore and found 
all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no 
less glade. For most of them were lusty yonge men, and 
many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither 
or aboute what they wente, till they came into y e harbore 
at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and bar- 
ren place. They then begane to thinke what should be- 
come of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by y e 
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches 
that some of y e sea-men had cast out) to take y e sayls from 
y e yeard least y e ship [66^\ should gett away and leave 
them ther. But y e m r . hereing of it, gave them good words, 
and tould them if any thing but well should have befallne 
y e people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary 
them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should 
have their parte ; which gave them good satisfaction. So 
they were all landed ; but ther was not so much as bisket- 
cake or any other victialls f for them, neither had they 
any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, 
nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in ; nor overmany 
cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats & 
cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over 
some burching-lane $ suits in y e ship, out of which they 
were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition 
of strenght, but could have wished that many of them 
had been of beter condition, and all of them beter fur- 
nished with provissions ; but y l could not be helpte. 

* For a list of the passengers who " This lane and the high street near 

came in the Fortune, see Young, p. adjoining, hath been inhabited (for the 

235 ; Russell's Pilgrim Memorials, pp. most part) with wealthy Drapers, from 

151, 153. — Ed. Birchover's lane on that side the street, 

-j- Nay, they were faine to spare y e down to the stockes. In the reign of 

shipe some to carry her home. Henry the sixth, had ye (for the most 

J " Birchover lane, so called of part) dwelling there, Frippers or Up- 

Birchover, the first builder and owner holders, that sold apparel and old 

thereof, now corruptlv called Birchin household stuff." Stow's Survey of 

Jane. London, ed. 1633, p. 215. — Ed. 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 107 

In this ship M r . Weston sent a large leter to M r . Carver, 
y e late Gove r , now deseased, full of complaints & expostu- 
lations aboute former passagess at Hampton ; and y e keep- 
ing y e shipe so long in y e country, and returning her with- 
out lading, &c, which for brevitie I omite. The rest is 
as followeth. 

Part of Mr. Westons letter. 

I durst never aquainte y e adventurers with y e alteration of y e 
conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been 
very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much 
as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what 
was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the 
ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know you r weak- 
nes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judg- 
mente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of y e time you spente 
in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done much 
more ; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to performe 
the conditions agreed upon, doe us y e favore to coppy them out 
faire, and subscribe them with y e principall of your names. 
And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how 
our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give 
them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words 
to shift of. And consider that y e life of the bussines depends on 
y e lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, 
that I may be freed from y e great sums I have disbursed for y e 
former, and must doe for the later, I promise you I will never 
quit if bussines, though all the other adventurers should. 

[67] We have procured you a Charter,* the best we could, 
which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For 
any thing y l is els worth writting, M r . Cushman can informe 
you. I pray write instantly for M r . Robinson to come to you. 
And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary 
both for this life & that to come, I rest 

Your very loving frend, 

Tho. Weston. 

London, July 6. 1621. 

* This charter or patent was granted ciates," and was in trust for the bene- 
by the President and Council of New fit of the colony. It is dated June 1, 
England, "to John Pierce and his asso- 1621, and i? interesting as being the 



108 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

This ship (caled y e Fortune) was speedily dispatcht 
away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could 
stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which 
they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them 
at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade ; neither 
was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin 
till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The 
fraight was estimated to be worth near 500 H . M r . Cush- 
man* returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Wes- 
ton & y e rest had apoynted him, for their better informa- 
tion. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but 
they should have a speedy supply ; considering allso how 
by M r . Cushmans perswation, and letters received from 
Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded j- 
to y e afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their 
hands. But it proved other wise, for M r . "Weston, who 
had made y l large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) 
that if all y e rest should fall of, yet he would never quit 
y e bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to y e con- 
ditions, and sente some lading in y e ship ; and of this M r . 
Cushman was confident, and confirmed y e same from his 
mouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he 
came. But all proved but wind, for he was y e first and 
only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much 
as heard of y e return e of this ship, or knew what was 
done; (so vaine is y 9 confidence in man.) But of this 
more in its place. 

A leter in answer to his write to M r . Carver, was sente 
to him from y e Gov r , of which so much as is pertenente 
to y e thing in hand I shall hear inserte. 

S r : Your large letter writen to M r . Carver, and dated y e 6. of 
July, 1621, I have received y e 10. of Novemb r , wherin (after 

first grant, of which we have any rec- probably the oldest document in Mas- 

ord, made by the great Plymouth Com- sachusetts officially connected with her 

pany. It was first printed in 1854, in history. — Ed. 

4 Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. II. The * See page 55, note. — Ed. 

original is now at Plymouth, and is f Yeeled in the manuscript. — Ed. 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 109 

y e apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputa- 
tions upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this 
life, and now is at rest [68] in y e Lord from all those troubls 
and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs 
not my appologie ; for his care and pains was so great for y e 
commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is 
thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days ; of 
whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges 
in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses 
may sustaine; but y e loss of his and many other honest and 
industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of 
y e one, ther may be hope of recovery, but y e other no recom- 
pence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but 
come more perticulerly to y e things them selves. You greatly 
blame us for keping y e ship so long in y e countrie, and then to 
send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst 
with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indur- 
ance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter 
a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to 
make provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute w ch labour, 
many of our armes & leggs can tell us to this day we were not 
necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death 
dayly, and with so generall a disease, that the living were scarce 
able to burie the dead ; and y e well not in any measure suf- 
ficiente to tend y e sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for 
not fraighting y e ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much dis- 
courage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes ; 
and doe you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell us you be- 
leeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. 
Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear 
this check patiently amongst y e rest, till God send us wiser men. 
But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing 
& consulting, &c, their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. 
They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they 
wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (be- 
yound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who 
will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c. 

The rest of y e letter declared how they had subscribed 
those conditions* according to his desire, and sente him 

* See pp. 45 - 47. — Ed. 



110 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

y e former accounts very perticulerly ; also how y e ship 
was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood ; that 
y e coming of these [69] people would bring famine upon 
them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as M r . 
Cushman could more fully informe him & y e rest of y e 
adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in 
all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he 
remember his promise, &c. 

After y e departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 
14. days,*) the Gove r & his assistante haveing disposed 
these late comers into severall families, as y ey best could, 
tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, 
and proportioned y e same to y e number of persons, and 
found that it would not hould out above 6. months at 
halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not 
well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. 
So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well 
as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it 
patiently under hope of supply. 

Sone after this ships departure, y e great people of y e 
Narigansets,f in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto 
them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great 
sneak-skine ; which their interpretours tould them was a 

* Smith, in his New England's Tri- February. Cushman, who was on 
als, says this ship returned for England board, writes, on page 122, that they 
within a month, on the 13th of Decern- were carried into France and kept there 
ber ; which seems probable, as Wins- fifteen days, and got well home the 17th 
low's letter sent by her was dated on of February. — Ed. 
the 11th of that month. Prince, I. 115, f The Narragansetts were a power- 
conjectures that Bradford means " 14 ful and warlike tribe, that inhabited 
days from her being unladen." nearly all the territory of what is now 

Smith also says that this ship was included in the State of Rhode Island, 

"laded with clapboard, wainscot, and They appear to have escaped the rav- 

Walnut, with about three hogsheads of ages of the plague, which, a few years 

beaver skins and some saxefras, and, before, had nearly annihilated some of 

drawing near our coast, was taken by a the neighboring tribes ; and, in 1642, 

Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of are supposed to have numbered thirty 

Ce"ra, Governor of He Deu, on the coast thousand. Gookin says that the ancient 

of Poytou, where they kept the ship, Indians say they could at onetime mus- 

imprisoned the master and company, ter above five thousand fighting men. 

took from them to the value of about See Drake's Book of the Indians, p. 

500 pounds, and after 14 days sent them 117; 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 147, 148. 

home," where they arrived the 14th of — Ed. 



1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. Ill 

threatening & a chaleng. Upon which y e Gov r , with y e 
advice of others, sente them a round answere, that if they 
had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when 
they would ; they had done them no wrong, neither did 
y ey fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And 
by another messenger sente y e sneake-skine back with bul- 
its in it ; but they would not receive it, but sent it back 
againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they 
are more at large allready put forth in printe, by M r . 
Winslow, at y e requeste of some freinds.* And it is like 
y e reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y e death of 
so many of y e Indeans,) thought to dominire & lord it 
over y e rest, & conceived y e English would be a barr in 
their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready 
under their wings. 

But this made them y e more carefully to looke to them 
selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a 
good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, 
with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and 
a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also 
warding in y e day time. And y e company was by y e Cap- 
taine and y e Gov r [70] advise, devided into 4. squadrons, 
and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto 
which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. 
And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were 
appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet 



* Winslow's book is entitled, " Good For notices of Edward Winslow, the 

Newes from New-England ; or A true most accomplished man of the old 

Relation of things very remarkable at comers, distinguished for the important 

the Plantation of Plimoth in New Eng- services he rendered the colony both at 

land," &c, London, 1624, pp. 66, sm. home and abroad, and for the eminent 

4to. This narrative embraces the pe- abilities which he displayed as the rep- 

riod from the sailing of the Fortune, in resentative of the sister colony to the 

December, 1621, to the departure of English government, see Baylies's New 

the author for England in the Anne, Plymouth, II. 17-20 ; Moore's Amer- 

September 10th, 1623; taking up the ican Governors, pp. 93-138. For 

narrative where it is left by Mourt's genealogical notices of the family, see 

Relation. It was printed before his re- Young, pp. 274, 275, note ; Historical 

turn for New England, where he ar- and Genealogical Register, IV. 297 

rived the next spring. - 303. — Ed. 



112 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

y e same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accom- 
plished very cherfully, and y e towne impayled round by y e 
begining of March, in which evry family had a prety gar- 
den plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. 
Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth 
then of waight. One y e day called Chrismas-day, y e Gov r 
caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but y e most of 
this new-company excused them selves and said it wente 
against their consciences to work on y l day. So y e Gov r 
tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he 
would spare them till they were better informed. So he 
led-away y e rest and left them ; but when they came home 
at noone from their worke, he found them in y e streete at 
play, openly; some pitching y e barr, & some at stoole- 
ball,* and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and 
tooke away their implements, and tould them that was 
against his conscience, that they should play & others 
worke. If they made y e keeping of it mater of devotion, 
let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no game- 
ing or revelling in y e streets. Since which time nothing 
hath been atempted that way, at least openly. 



Anno 1622. 

At y e spring of y e year they had apointed y e Massachusets 
to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to 
prepare for that vioag about y e later end of March. But 
upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould 
them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were 



* " Stool-Ball. An ancient game at games where there is any hazard of 

ball, played by both sexes. According loss are strictly forbidden ; not so much 

to Dr. Johnson, it is a play where balls as a game at stool-ball for a Tansay, or 

are driven from stool to stool. See a a cross and pyle for the odd penny at 

further notice of it in Strutt, p. 97. In a reckoning, upon pain of damnation.' 

Lewis's English Presbyterian Elo- This quotation is given by Brand in his 

quence, p. 17, speaking of the tenets of Pop. Antiq." Halliwell's Dictionary 

the Puritans, he observes that 'all of Archaic and Provincial Words. — Ed. 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 113 

joyned w lh y e Narighansets and might betray them if they 
were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of 
Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisper- 
ings betweene him and other Indeans. But [71] they 
resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10. 
of their cheefe men aboute y e begining of Aprill, and both 
Squanto & Hobamake with them, in regarde of y e jelocie 
betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but 
an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing in 
seeming great fear, and tould them that many of y e Narih- 
gansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, 
were coming against them ; and he gott away to tell 
them, not without danger. And being examined by y e 
Gov 1 ", he made as if they were at hand, and would still be 
looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the 
Gov r caused them to take armes & stand on their garde, 
and supposing y e boat to be still within hearing (by rea- 
son it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote 
of, the which y ey heard and came in. But no Indeans 
apeared ; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was 
seene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and 
thought all was false ; yet y e Gov r caused him to send his 
wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening 
other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was 
quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to y e 
Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, 
blessed be God. 

But by the former passages, and other things of like 
nature, they begane to see y l Squanto sought his owne ends, 
and plaid his owne game, by putting y e Indeans in fear, 
and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe ; making 
them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he 
would, & make peece for whom he would. Yea, he 
made them beleeve they kept y e plague buried in y e ground, 
and could send it amongs whom they would, which did 
much terifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on 
15 



114 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

him, and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which 
proucured him envie, and had like to have cost him his 
life. For after y e discovery of his practises, Massasoyt 
sought it both privatly and openly ; which caused him to 
stick close to y e English, & never durst goe from them till 
he dyed. They also made good use of y e emulation y* grue 
betweene Hobamack * and him, which made them cary 
more squarely. And y e Gov r seemd to countenance y e 
one, and y° Captaine y e other, by which they had better 
intelligence, and made them both more diligente.f 

[72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy 
spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. 
But about y e later end of Mai/, they spied a boat at sea, 
which at first they thought had beene some French-man ; 
but it proved a shalop which came from a ship J which 
M r . "Weston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place 
called Damarins-cove,§ 40. leagues to y e eastward of them, 
wher were y l year many more ships come a fishing. This 
boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails, 
nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set 
downe. 

M r . Carver, in my last leters by y e Fortune, in whom M r . 
Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly ex- 
pecte y e shipe back againe.|| She departed hence, y e begining 
of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with 
necesaries, by reason of y e parsemonie of y e adventurers.^]" I 

* Hobamack rendered the colony im- incidents, see Winslow, in Young, pp. 

portant service, and in the allotment of 285-292. — Ed. 

land, in 1624, allusion is made to " Ho- J The Sparrow. Winslow, in Young, 

bamac's ground." Further mention is p. 293. — Ed. 

made of him, though not by name, in § The Damariscove Islands, five or 

New England's First Fruits, page 2, six in number, " lie to the west by 

a tract published in London in 1643. north from Monhegan " ; they were 

" Though he was much tempted by en- early resorted to by fishermen. See 

ticements, scoffs, and scorns from the Williamson's Maine, I. 56. — Ed. 

Indians, yet could he never be gotten || It will be perceived that the author, 

from the English, nor from seeking who frequently gives only such abstracts 

after their God, but died amongst them, of letters as he deems pertinent td the 

leaving some good hopes in their hearts narrative, sometimes leaves the sentence 

that his soul went to rest." — Ed. unfinished. — Ed. 

f For a more full narrative of these ^[ Adventures in the manuscript. — Ed, 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 115 

have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provisions 
before shee come. They all answer they will doe great maters, 
when they hear good news. Nothing before ; so faithfull, con- 
stant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest freinds, 
that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no 
supplie, &c. I am now to relate y e occasion of sending this 
ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a 
more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering 
is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part 
true, &c. M r . Beachamp and my selfe bought this title ship, and 
have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold* y° plantation, 
as well to doe others good as our selves ; and partly to gett up 
what we are formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, 
&c. This is y" occasion we have sent this ship and these pas- 
sengers, on our owne accounte ; whom we desire you will frend- 
ly entertaine & supply with shuch necesaries as you cane spare, 
and they wante, &c. And among other things we pray you 
lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have y e salt re- 
maining of y e last year, that y u will let them have it for their 
presente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more 
when we have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may 
be set up in one of y e litle ilands in your bay, &c. And because 
we intende, if God plase, [73] (and y G generallitie doe it not,) to 
send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her 
passengers, shal goe to Virginia, &c. And it may be we shall 
send a small ship to abide with you on y e coast, which I conceive 
may be a great help to y e plantation. To y e end our desire may 
be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, 
we pray you give them entertainmente in your houses y e time 
they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may 
presently goe in hand to fell trees & cleave them, to y e end 
lading may be ready and our ship stay not. 

Some of y e adventurers have sent you hearwith all some 
directions for your furtherance in y e comone bussines, who are 
like those S\ James speaks of, y l bid their brother eat, and 
warme him, but give him nothing ; so they bid you make salt, 
and uphold y e plantation, but send you no means wherwithall 
to doe it, &c. By y e next we purpose to send more people on 
our owne accounte, and to take a patente ; that if 'your peopl 

* I know not w cl1 way 



116 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

should be as unhumane as some of y e adventurers, not to ad- 
mite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, 
and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have 
any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passen- 
gers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not 
necessary to be writen, &c. I find y 8 generall so backward, and 
your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on 
your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves. 

Subscribed, 

your loving freind, 
Jan: 12. 1621* Tho : Weston. 

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & im- 
pertinent. 

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie 
bellies, and a slender performance of his former late prom- 
iss ; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those y e 
Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And 
well might it make them remember what y e psalmist saith, 
Psa. 118. 8. It is letter to trust in the Lord, then to have 
confidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you trust in 
princes (much less in y e marchants) nor in y e sone of man, 
for ther is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath y e 
God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in y e Lord his 
God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and 
others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was 
caused by him and y e rest, who put so great a company of 
men upon them, as y e former company were, without any 
food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost 
a whole year before any could [74] be raised, excepte they 
had sente some ; so, upon y e pointe they never had any 
supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord 
gave them otherwise) ; for all y e company sent at any 
time was allways too short for those people y l came with it. 

Ther came all so by y e same ship other leters, but of 
later date, one from M r . Weston, an other from a parte of 
y e adventurers, as foloweth. 

* That is, 1622, new style. — Ed. 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 117 

M r . Carver, since my last, to y e end we might y c more readily 
proceed to help y e generall, at a meeting of some of y e principall 
adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by all pres- 
ente (save Pickering), to adventure each man y e third parte of 
what he formerly had done. And ther are some other y l folow 
his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard wherof 
y e greater part of y e adventurers being willing to uphold y e bussi- 
nes, finding it no reason that those y 1, are willing should uphold y e 
bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth dis- 
courage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers 
from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, 
according to an article * in y e agreemente, (that it may be lawfull 
by a generall consente of y e adventurers Sf planters, upon just oc- 
casion, to breake of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe 
pray you to ratine, and confirme y e same on your parts. Which 
being done, we shall y e more willingly goe forward for y e up- 
holding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you 
must agree to y e artickls, and send it by y e first under your 
hands & seals. So I end 

Your loving freind, 

Tho : Weston. 

Jan: 17. 1621.f 

Another leter was write from part of y e company of y e 
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. 
of their names, wherof M r . Westons & M r . Beachamphs 
were tow. Thes things seemed Strang unto them, seeing 
this unconstancie & shufiing ; it made them to thinke ther 
was some misterie in y e matter. And therfore y e Gov r con- 
cealed these letters from y e publick, only imparted them 
to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with 
him, that this tended to disband & scater them (in regard 
of their straits) ; and if M r . Weston & others, who seemed 
to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with snip- 
ing so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would 
fall to him, to y e prejudice of them selves & y e rest of the 
adventurers,^ their freinds, fiwm whom as yet they heard 

* See third article in the agreement, f That is, 1622, new style. — Ed. 
p. 46. — Ed. % Adventures in the manuscript — Ed. 



118 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente 
[75] over shuch a company in y e former ship, # for shuch 
an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which 
this ship, tvhich fished to y e eastward, had kept till planting 
time was over, and so could set no come ; and allso want- 
ing vitals, (for y ey turned them off w th out any, and indeed 
wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, 
so as y ey could not performe any of those things which M r . 
Weston had apointed, and might have starved if y e planta- 
tion had not succoured them ; who, in their wants, gave 
them as good as any of their owne. The ship tvente to 
Virginia, wher they sould both ship & fish, of which (it 
was conceived) M r . Weston had a very slender accounte. 

After this came another of his ships,\ and brought letters 
dated y e 10. of Aprill, from M r . Weston, as followeth. 

M r . Bradford, these, &c. The Fortune is arived, of whose good 
news touching your estate & proceeings, I am very glad to hear. 
And how soever he was robed on y e way by y G French-men, yet 
I hope your loss will not be great, for y e conceite of so great a 
returne doth much animate y e adventurers, so y l I hope some 
matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As for my 
selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them, so as I am 
quit $ of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c. Now though 
I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet 
I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. 
I perceive & know as well as another, y e dispositions of your ad- 
venturers, whom y e hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they 
have done ; and yet I fear y l hope will not draw them much fur- 
der. Besids, most of them are against y e sending of them of Ley- 
den, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of 
y e most religious (as M r . Greene by name) excepts against 
them. So y l my advice is (you may follow it if you please) 
that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have 
warente to doe, both in law & conscience, for y e most parte of 

* The Fortune. See p. 105. — Ed. having left London about the last of 

\ The Charity, of one hundred tons, April. See Smith's Generall Iiistorie, 

accompanied by a smaller vessel, the fol. ed., p. 236 ; Winslow, in Young, 

Swan, of thirty tons ; they arrived in p. 296. — Ed. 

the end of June or beginning- of July, % See how his promiss is fulfild. 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 119 

y e adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And 
y e means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose 
by y e trade of this spring, may, with y e help of some freinds 
hear, bear y e charge of trasporting those of Leyden ; and when 
they are with you I make no question but by Gods help you 
will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to 
your discretion. 

I desired diverce of y e adventurers, as M r . Peirce, M r . Greene, 
& others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or 
leters, to send them by these ships ; and marvelling they sent not 
so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they 
had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he had one, 
which was delivered him with [76] great charge of secrecie ; and 
for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, & sow it be- 
tweene y e soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking y e leter, won- 
dering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found 
this treacherous letter subscribed by y e hands of M r . Pickering 
& M r . Greene. Wich leter had it come to you r hands without 
answer, might have caused y e hurt, if not y e mine, of us all. 
For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed 
us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in 
distruste as enimise, &c, it might have been an occasion to have 
set us togeather by y e eares, to y e distraction of us all. For I 
doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines 
hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, 
would have been violent, and heady against you, &c. I mente to 
have setled y e people I before and now send, with or near you, as 
well for their as your more securitie and defence, as help on all 
occasions. But I find y e adventurers so jealous & suspitious, 
that I have altered my resolution, & given order to my brother 
& those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte. 

Thus. &c. 

Your loving freind, 
Aprill 10. 1621.* Tho: Weston. 

Some pari of M r Pickerings letter before mentioned. 

To M r . Bradford & M r . Brewster, &c. 

My dear love remembred unto you all, &c. The company 
hath bought out M r . Weston, and are very glad they are freed 

* This should be 1622, the year beginning then on the 25th of the preceding 
month. — Ed. 



120 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

of him, he being judged a man y l thought him selfe above y e 
general], and not expresing so much y e fear of God as was meete 
in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed in a 
matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so plaine as 
indeed is clear against him ; but a few words to y e wise. 

M r . Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, 
nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some rea- 
son in respecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, whom he 
doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a heady yong 
man, & violente, and set against you ther, & y e company hear; 
ploting with M r . Weston their owne ends, which tend to your & 
our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of 
our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed 
his purpose is to come to your colonie, pretending he comes for 
and from y e adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have 
in readynes [77] into his ships, as if they came from y e company, 
& possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And 
further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you 
have discovered, to y e end that they may supres & deprive you, &c. 

The Lord, who is y e watchman of Israll & slepeth not, preserve 
you & deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther 
is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; 
so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thou- 
sands, to the advancemente of y e glorious gospell of our Lord 
Jesus. Amen. Fare well. 

Your loving freinds, 

Edward Pickering. 
William Greene. 

I pray conceale both y e writing & deliverie of this leter, but 
make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves 
vrith in this month. 

The heads of his answer. 

M r . Bradford, this is y e leter y l I wrote unto you of, which to 
answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne con- 
science & all our people can and I thinke will testifie, y l my end 
in sending y e ship Sparrow was your good, &c. Now I will 
not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these 
men terme them ; yet I presume they will be governed by such 
as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 121 

them from y l profanenes that may scandalise y e vioage, but by 
degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am so farr from sending 
rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what 
is yours, as I have charged y e m r . of y e ship Sparrow, not only 
to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of 
fish,* &c. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this 
leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands & 
taken y e effecte y e other desired. 

Now if you be of y e mind y l these men are, deale plainly with 
us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freind- 
ly as we have thought you to be, give us y e entertainment of 
freinds, and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, 
nor lodging, but what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, 
&c. I shall leave in y e countrie a litle ship f (if God send her 
safe thither) with mariners & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall 
coast, & trad with y e savages, & y e old plantation. It may be 
we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke 
I shall see you y e next spring ; and so I comend you to y e pro- 
tection of God, who ever keep you. 

Your loving freind, 

Tho : Weston. 

[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M r . Weston were 
layed in y e dust, and all his promised helpe turned into 
an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether 
lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were 
not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, 
haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but 
others prepared & ready to glean up what y e cuntrie might 
have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh cen- 
sures & susspitions intimated in y e former and following 
leter s, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them 
as they could, waighing them in y e ballance of love and 
reason ; and though they (in parte) came from godly & 
loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might 
arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with 
unmeete provocations, though they well saw M r . Weston 

* But y- [he] left not his own men a bite of bread. f The Swan. — Ed. 

16 



122 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. 
For after the receit of y e former leters, the Gov 1 ' received 
one from M r . Cushman, who went home in y e ship, and 
was allway intimate with M r . Weston, (as former passages 
declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was 
heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it 
was y e difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as 
y e leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and 
brought by him to y e Gov 1 '. It was as followeth. 

Beloved S r : I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, 
and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got 
well home y e 17. of Feb. Being robbed by y e French-men by 
y e way, and carried by them into France, and were kepte ther 
15. days, and lost all y l we had that was worth taking ; but 
thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives & ship* I see not 
y l it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods 
grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In y e 
mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised 
a litle. M r . Weston hath quite broken of from our company, 
through some discontents y l arose betwext him and some of our 
adventurers, & hath sould all his adventurs, & hath now sent 
3.f smale ships for his per ticuler plantation. The greatest wher- 
of, being 100. tune,% M 1 '. Reynolds goeth m r . and he with y e rest 
purposeth to come him selfe ; for what end I know not. 

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray 
you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with 
them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a pa- 
tente for him selfe. If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let 
it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give y e worth of it. 
If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, 
&c. It is like he [79] will plant to y e southward of y e Cape, for 
William Trevore § hath lavishly tould but what he knew or 
imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, & y e Narigansets. I fear 
these people will hardly deale so well with y e savages as they 
should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are 

* See p. 110. — Ed. hired to stay a year in the country, and 

f The Sparrow, the Charity, and the on its expiration returned to England. 

Swan. See pp. 114, 118. — Ed. See list of passengers, in the Appendix. 

t The Charity. — Ed. — Ed. 
fy He came in the Mayflower, was 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 123 

a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with 
them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can war- 
rente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in 
France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you 
as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to y e best, wher- 
fore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to 
goe thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage in y l place 
wherin God hath sett you, untill y e day of refreshing come. 
And y e Lord God of sea & land bring us comfortably togeather 
againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 

Yours, ROBART ClJSHMAN. 

On y e other sid of y e leafe, in y e same leter, came these 
few lines from M r . John Peirce, in whose name the patente 
was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken 
in its place. 

Worthy S r : I desire you to take into consideration that which 
is writen on y e other side, and not any way to damnifie your 
owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be 
more infeebled. And for y e leters of association, by y e next ship 
we send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction ; in y e mean time 
whom you admite I will approve. But as for M r . Weston's 
company, I thinke them so base in condition (for y e most parte) 
as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish 
they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, 
but cease in these few lins, and so rest 

Your loving freind, 

John Peirce. 

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet 
concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente ; partly 
in regard of M r . Weston him selfe, considering what he 
had been unto them, & done for them, & to some, more 
espetially ; and partly in compassion to y e people, who 
were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) 
and were by y e ship * to be presently put a shore, (for she 
was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great 
charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted & knew 

* The Charity. See p. 118. — Ed. . 



124 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

not what to doe. So as they had received his former 
company of 7. men,* and vitailed them as their owne hith- 
erto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty 
men), and gave [79] housing for them selves and their 
goods ; and many being sicke, they had y e best means y e 
place could aford them. They stayed hear y e most parte 
of y e soiher till y e ship came back againe from Virginia. 
Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, 
they removed into y e Massachusset Bay, he having got a 
patente*]* for some part ther, (by light of ther former dis- 
covery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke 
folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther 
victails they had not any, though they were in great 
wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie 
done them ; neither did they desire it, for they saw they 
were an unruly company, and had no good govermente 
over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if 
M r . Weston came not y e sooner amongst them ; and ther- 
fore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of 
them. 

Amids these streigths, and y e desertion of those from 
whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine be- 
gane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to 
doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with 
an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which 
came from y e eastward % brought them a letter from a 
stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, 
being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter 
was as followeth. Being thus inscribed. 

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c. 

Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours : I salute you, and wish 
you all health and hapines in y e Lord. I make bould with 

* Who came in the Sparrow. See by the Indians Wessagusset or Wessa- 

p. 114. — Ed. guscus, included in the present town of 

\ Weston's patent is not extant, and Weymouth. See Prince, I. 121. — Ed. 

but little is known respecting it. His J Which belonged to the Sparrow, 

brief settlement was at a place called See p. 114. — Ed. 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 125 

these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, 
I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe too farr ; yet 
I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds 
in y e south-collonie of Virginia, have received shuch a blow, that 
400. persons large will not make good our losses.* Therfore I 
cloe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that y e old rule 
which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufficente. 
That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to 
beware. And now againe, and againe, wishing all those y l 
willingly would serve y e Lord, all health and happines in this 
world, and everlasting peace in y e world to come. And so I 
rest, 

Yours, 

John Hudlston. 

By this boat y e Gov 1 ' returned a thankfull answer, as 
was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, 
which was piloted by them, in which M r . Winslow was 
sentef to procure what provissions he could of y e ships, 
who was kindly received by y e foresaid gentill-man, who 
not only spared what he [90 J] could, but writ to others 
to doe y e like. By which means he gott some good quan- 
tise and returned in saftie, by which y e plantation had a 
duble beneh'te, first, a present refreshing by y e food brought, 
and secondly, they knew y e way to those parts for their 
benifite hearafter. But what was gott, & this small boat 
brought, being devided among so many, came but to a 
litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. 
It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each 
person ; and y e Gov 1 ' caused it to be dayly given them, 
otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would 
have eate it up & then starved. But thus, with what els 
they could get, they made pretie shift till corne was ripe, 

* The massacre by the Indians here f This was probably in June. See 
alluded to, was on the 22d of March Winslow, in Young-, p. 294. — Ed. 
of this year. Smith estimates the-num- J Mr. Hunter writes : " Here is an 
ber of English slain, in the several error in Bradford's pagination. He 
plantations, at three hundred and forty- passes from 79 to 90. No part of the 
seven. Smith's Generall Historie, fol. manuscript is here lost." 79 is re- 
ed. , pp. 144 - 149. — Ed. peated in the paging. — Ed. 



126 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

This somer they builte a fort with good timber, both 
strong & comly, which was of good defence, made with a 
flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance were 
mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially 
in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting 
house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. # It was a 
great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants ; 
but y e deanger of y e time required it, and both y e continuall 
rumors of y e fears from y e Indeans hear, espetially y e Nari- 
gansets, and also y e hearing of that great massacre in Vir- 
ginia, made all hands willing to despatch y e same. 

Now y e wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which 
all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to 
a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie ; partly by 
reason they were not yet well aquainted with y e maher of 
Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their many 
other imployments, but cheefLy their weaknes for wante 
of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much 
was stolne both by night & day, before it became scarce 
eatable, & much more afterward. And though many were 
well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, 
yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not re- 
straine) to venture. So as it well appeared y l famine 
must still insue y e next year allso, if not some way pre- 
vented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not 
trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only y e 

* The fort was built on Burial Hill, lock, in front of the captain's door ; 
The following extract from a letter writ- they have their cloaks on, and place 
ten by Isaac De Rasieres, who visited themselves in order, three abreast, and 
Plymouth in 1627, will be read with in- are led by a sergeant without beat of 
teresthere: — " Upon the hill they have drum. Behind comes the Governor, 
a large square house, with a flat roof, in a long robe ; beside him on the right 
made of thick sawn planks, stayed with hand comes the preacher with his 
oak beams, upon the top of which they cloak on, and on the left hand the cap- 
have six cannons, which shoot iron tain with his side-arms and cloak on, 
balls of four or five pounds, and com- and with a small cane in his hand ; and 
mand the surrounding country. The so they march in good order, and each 
lower part they use for their church, sets his arms down near him." See 
where they preach on Sundays and the Winslow, in Young, p. 295 ; Russell's 
usual holidays. They assemble by beat Guide to Plymouth, ed. 1855, p. 143. 
of drum, each with his musket or fire- — Ed. 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 127 

Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold 
now another providence of God; a ship* comes into y e 
harbor, [91] one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They 
were set out by some marchants to discovere all y e har- 
bors betweene this & Virginia, and y e shoulds of Cap-Cod, 
and to trade along y e coast wher they could. This ship 
had store of English-beads (which were then good trade) 
and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, 
and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad 
of y e occasion, and faine to buy at any rate ; they were 
faine to give after y e rate of cento per cento, if not more, 
and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3 s -. per* 1 -, which in a few 
years after yeelded 20 s -. By this means they were fitted 
againe to trade for beaver & other things, and intended to 
buy what corne they could. 

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. 
Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name M r . John 
Poory ; he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now 
going home passenger in this ship. After his departure he 
write a leter to y e Gov r in y e postscrite wherof he hath 
these lines. 

To your selfe and M r . Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe 
many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very 
well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My 
hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) M r . 
Ainsworths elaborate worke upon y e 5. books of Moyses. Both 
his & M r . Robinsons doe highly comend the authors, as being 
most conversante in y e scripturs of all others. And what good 
(who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my 
hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente 
in them. God have you all in his keeping. 

Your unfained and firme freind, 

Aug. 28. 1622. John Pory. 

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y e au- 
thors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly 

* The Discovery. See Winslow, in Young, p. 298. — Ed. 



128 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

acknowledg ; and him selfe after his returne did this poore- 
plantation much eredite amongst those of no mean ranck. 
But to returne. 

[92] Shortly after harvest M r . Westons people who were 
now seated at y e Massachusets, and by disorder (as it 
seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now 
to perceive that want would come upon them. And hear- 
ing that they hear had bought trading comodities & in- 
tended to trade for corne, they write to y e Gov r and de- 
sired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy 
their small ship* in y e servise; and furder requested 
either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comod- 
ities as their part might come to, and they would under- 
take to make paymente when M r . Weston, or their supply, 
should come. The Gov r condesended upon equall terms 
of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute y e Cap to y e south- 
ward with y e ship, wher some store of corne might be 
got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was 
apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid & 
interpreter, about y e latter end of ■ September ; but y e winds 
put them in againe, & putting out y e 2. time, he fell sick 
of a feavor, so y e Gov 1 ' wente him selfe. -j* But they could 
not get aboute y e should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers, 
neither could Squanto directe them better, nor y e m r . durst 
venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay 
and got w 1 J they could ther. In this place Squanto fell 
sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at y e nose (which 
y e Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few 
days dyed ther ; desiring y e Gov r to pray for him, that he 
might goe to y e Englishmens God in heaven, and be- 
queathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English 
freinds, as remembrances of his love ; of whom they had 

* The Swan. See p. 121. The f " In the month of November." 

Charity returned for England in the end Winslow, in Young, p. 300. — Ed. 

of September, or beginning of October. % W th in the manuscript. — Ed. 
Winslow, in Young, p. 299. — Ed. 



1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 129 

a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place & other, 
about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & beans, which was 
more then y e Indeans could well spare in these parts, for 
y e set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were 
faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the 
Cap, to have been better laden. After ward y e Gov r tooke 
a few men & wente to y e inland places, to get what he 
could, and to fetch it home at y e spring, which did help 
them something.* 

[93] After these things, in Feb : a messenger came from 
John Sanders, who was left cheefef over M r . Weston's 
men in y e bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shew- 
ing the great wants they were falen into ; and he would 
have borrowed a lift of corne of y e Indeans, but they would 
lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not 
take it from them by force to succore his men till he came 
from y e eastward, whither he was going. The Gov r & rest 
deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exas- 
perate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all 
of us might smart for it ; for they had already heard how 
they had so wronged y e Indeans by stealing their corne, 
&c. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so 
base were some of their own company, as they wente & 
tould y e Indeans y l their Gov r was purposed to come and 
take their corne by force. The which with other things 
made them enter into a conspiracie against y e English, of 
which more in y e nexte. Hear with I end this year. 



* For a more full narrative of the ex- f After the sudden death at Plymouth 
peditions made by Governor Bradford of " Master Richard Greene, brother- 
and by Captain Standish, during- this in-law to Master Weston, who from 
winter and the following March, in him had a charge in the oversight and 
search of provisions, see Winslow's government of his colony." Wins- 
Good News, before cited. — Ed. low, in Young, p. 299. — Ed. 



17 



130 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

Anno JDom: 1623. 

It may be thought Strang that these people* should fall 
to these extremities in so short a time, being left compe- 
tently provided when y e ship left them, and had an ad- 
dition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids 
much they gott of y e Indans wher they lived, by one 
means & other. It must needs be their great disorder, 
for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it ; 
and, it may be, wasted parte away among y e Indeans (for 
he y l was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them 
for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And 
after they begane to come into wants, many sould away 
their cloathes and bed coverings ; others (so base were 
they) became servants to y e Indeans, and would cutt them 
woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne ; others 
fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from y e Indeans, 
of which they greevosly complained. In y e end, they came 
to that misery, that some starved & dyed with could & 
hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he 
stuck fast in y e mudd, and was found dead in y e place. 
At last most of them left their dwellings & scatered up & 
downe in y e [94] woods, & by y e water sids, wher they 
could find ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. 
By which their cariages they became contemned & scorned 
of y e Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over 
them in a most insolente maner ; insomuch, many times 
as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with 
ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans 
would come and eate it up ; and when night came, wheras 
some of them had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe 
them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let y e other 
lye all nighte in the could ; so as their condition was very 
lamentable. Yea, in y e end they were faine to hange one 

* That is, Weston's people. — Ed. 






1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 131 

of their men, whom they could not reclaime from stealing, 
to give y e Indeans contente.* 

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y e Gov" & 
people hear had notice y l Massasoyte ther freind was sick 
& near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and withall 
sente him such comfortable things as gave him great con- 
tente, and was a means of his recovery ; upon which occa- 
sion he discovers y e conspiracie of these Indeans, how they 
were resolved to cutt of M r . Westons people, for the con- 
tinuall injuries they did them, & would now take oppor- 
tunitie of their weaknes to doe it ; and for that end had 
conspired with other Indeans their neigbours their aboute. 
And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, 
they therfore thought to doe y e like by them, & had solis- 
ited him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore 
to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of y e 
cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them 
of y e truth hereof. 

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into 
serious delibration, and found upon examenation other 
evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to relate. 
In y e mean time, came one*)* of them from y e Massachucts, 

* " A waggish report became cur- from it that he was one of Weston's 
rent," w T rites Judge Davis, in his edi- men who arrived in the Sparrow at 
tion of the Memorial, '-that the real Damariscove, alluded to on page 114; 
offender was spared, and that a poor that there were ten passengers, instead 
decrepit old man, that was unservice- of seven, the number mentioned by- 
able to the company, was hung in his Bradford. They arrive in April, take 
stead"; — which was the ground of the a shallop, under the direction of Mr. 
story, says Hubbard, " with which the Gibbs, the mate, reach Smith's Isl- 
merry gentleman that wrote Hudibras ands, sail thence to Cape Ann, remain 
did, in his poetical fancy, make so much about Massachusetts Bay four or five 
sport." Thomas Morton, in his New days, fix on the south part of it, called 
English Canaan, says that a proposition Wessaguscus, for their settlement, 
was made by one of the company, of the which they purchase of Aberdecest, 
vicarious nature indicated, but it was the sagamore; a patent having been 
not carried, and the real offender was previously obtained of the Council by 
executed. — Ed. Mr. Weston. Pratt and his associates 

f Morton says, ''This man's name visit Plymouth, where they are kindly 

was Phinehas Pratt, who hath penned received. On the arrival of the Charity 

the particular of his perilous journey, and Swan, which bring more passen- 

and some other things relating to this gers for this colony, Pratt says : "Then 

tragedy." Pratt's narrative is extant, we make haste to settle our plantation, 

but has not been published. It appears our number b Q ,ing near sixty men. 



132 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

with a small pack at his back ; and though he knew 
not a foote of y e way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his 
way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so 
was mist. He tould them hear how all things stood 
amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he ap- 
prehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt 
in y e head shortly. This made them make y e more hast, 
& dispatched a boate away w th Capten Standish & some 
men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of 
which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, 
cut of some few of y e cheefe conspirators, and, according 
to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they 
thought good ; and they should fare no worse then them 
selves, till M r . Weston or some supplie came to them. Or, 
if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them 
any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him & y e rest. 
But most of them desired he would help them with some 
corne, and they would goe with their smale ship to y e 
eastward, wher hapily they might here of M r . Weston, or 
-some supply from him, seing y e time of y e year was for 
fishing ships to [95] be in y e land. If not, they would 
worke among y e fishermen for their liveing, and get ther 
passage into England, if they heard nothing from M r . 
Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of any 
worth, and he got them all y e corne he could (scarce leav- 
ing to bring him home), and saw them well out of y e bay, 
under saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing y e worth 
of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but 
touched these things breefly, because they have allready 
been published in printe more at large.* 

This was y e end of these that some time bosted of their 
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would 

Near unto it is a town of later time age of ninety. See Morton's Memorial, 

called Waymouth." Of their number p. 42; Felt's Ecclesiastical Hist, of New 

is a Mr. Salsbery, a chirurgeon. Pratt England, pp. 53, 54 ; Drake's Hist, of 

afterwards had lands allotted to him at Boston, p. 41 ; Hazard, I. 103. — Ed. 

Plymouth, where he also married ; he * In Winslow's Good News, in 

died at Charlestown, in 1680, at the Young, pp. 313-345. — Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 133 

doe & bring to pass, in comparison of y c people hear, 
who had many women & children and weak ons amongst 
them ; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the 
wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not 
to fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were 
come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power ; God 
can make y e weake to stand ; let him also that standeth 
take heed least he fall. 

Shortly after, M r . Weston came over with some of y e 
fishermen, under another name, and y e disguise of a 
blacke-smith, were he heard of y e mine and di solution of 
his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. came to 
see how things were. But by y e way, for wante of skill, 
in a storme, he cast away his shalop in y e botome of y e bay 
between Meremek river & Pascataquack, & hardly escaped 
with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of y e Indeans, 
who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, & striped 
him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to 
Pascataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got 
means to come to Plimoth. A Strang alteration ther was 
in him to such as had seen & known him in his former 
florishing condition ; so uncertaine are y e mutable things 
of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon 
them, though they dayly see y e vanity therof. 

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things 
boyling in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired 
to borrow some beaver of them ; and tould them he had 
hope of a ship & good supply to come to him, and then 
they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. 
They gave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, 
and remembered former curtesies. They tould him he 
saw their wants, and they knew not when they should 
have any supply ; also how y e case stood betweene them 
& their adventurers, he well knew ; they had not much 
bever, & if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to 
make a mutinie among y e people, seeing ther was no other 



134 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

means to procure them foode which they so much wanted, 
& cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help 
him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly 
for y e former reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver- 
skins, which waighed 170* 1 . odd pounds. Thus they helpt 
him when all y e world faild him, and with this means he 
went againe to y e ships, and stayed his small ship & 
some of his men, & bought provissions and fited him 
selfe ; and it was y e only foundation [96] of his after course. 
But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter eni- 
mie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed 
them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill 
words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of 
their best freinds, whilst he yet had y e beaver in his boat ; 
that he could now set them all togeather by y e ears, be- 
cause they had done more then they could answer, in let- 
ting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe 
what he could. But his malice could not prevaile. 

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew 
they when they might expecte any. So they begane to 
thinke* how they might raise as much corne as they 
could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that 
they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, 
after much debate of things, the Gov 1 " (with y e advise of 
y e cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set 
corne every man for his owne perticuler,*)* and in that re- 
gard trust to them selves ; in all other things to goe on in 
y e generall way as before. And so assigned to every fam- 
ily a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their 
number for that end, only for present use (but made no 
devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth 
under some familie. This had very good success ; for it 

* " The month of April being now cers, fishermen, &c., which could not 

come." Winslow, in Young, p. 346. be freed from their calling without 

— Ed. greater inconveniences." Ibid., p. 347. 

f "And bring in a competent por- — Ed. 
tion for the maintenance of public offi- 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 135 

made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne 
was planted then other waise would have bene by any 
means y e Gov r or any other could use, and saved him a 
great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The 
women now wente willingly into y e feild, and tooke their 
litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg 
weaknes, and inabilitie ; whom to have compelled would 
have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.* 

The experience that was had in this corhone course and 
condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly 
and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that con- 
ceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of 
later times; — that y e taking away of propertie, and bring- 
ing in comunitie into a comone wealth, would make them 
happy and florishing ; as if they were wiser then God. 
For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed 
much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploy- 
met that would have been to their benefite and comforte. 
For y e yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour 
& service did repine that they should spend their time & 
streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, 
with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, 
had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then he 
that was weake and not able to doe a quarter y e other 
could ; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver 
men to be ranked and [97] equalised in labours, and vict- 
ails, cloaths, &c., with y e meaner & yonger sorte, thought 
it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens 



* Judge Davis, in a note on Morton's rated, were not subscribed by the plant- 
Memorial, remarks, that "the cominu- ers till a year after their arrival here, 
nity of interest which the colonists had yet it may be supposed that the terms 
hitherto maintained did not arise, as of the contract were complied with dur- 
has been sometimes supposed, from any ing this period. It was only for reasons 
peculiar fantastic notions, but was re- of the sternest necessity that the colo- 
quired by the nature of their engage- nists were now compelled to deviate in 
ments with the merchant adventurers the one particular stated in the text, 
in England." Another allotment of land, it will be 

Although the articles of agreement, seen, was made the next year. See 

for the reasons which have been nar- pp. 62, 72, 109. — Ed. 



136 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as 
dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd 
it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well 
brooke it. Upon y e poynte all being to have alike, and 
all to doe alike, they thought them selves in y e like con- 
dition, and one as good as another ; and so, if it did not 
cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, 
yet it did at least much diminish and take of y e mutuall 
respects that should be preserved amongst them. And 
would have bene worse if they had been men of another 
condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and 
nothing to y e course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men 
have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw 
another course fiter for them. 

But to returne. After this course setled, and by that 
their core was planted, all ther victails were spente, and 
they were only to rest on Gods providence ; at night not 
many times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing y e 
next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray 
that God would give them their dayly brade, above all 
people in y e world. Yet they bore these wants with great 
patience & allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a time 
as for y e most parte of 2. years ; which makes me remem- 
ber what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y e Spaniards) 
in his 5. Decade, pag. 208. # They (saith he) led a mis- 
erable life for 5. days togeather, with y e parched graine of 
maize only, and that not to saturitie ; and then concluds, 
that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he 
thought none living tvhich is not a Spaniard could have en- 
dured. But alass ! these, when they had maize (j l is, 
Indean corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and 

* The work here cited is "De Nouo don, 1612. The last five Decades in 

Orbe, or The Historie of the west In- this volume were translated from the 

dies," &c. "Comprised in Eight De- original Latin by " M. Lok, Gent."; 

cades. Written by Peter Martyr, a Mil- the first three having been previously 

lanoise of Angleria, chiefe Secretary translated by Richard Eden. This 

to the Einperour Charles the fift, and same edition was also issued with dif- 

his Priuie Councell," &c. &c. Lon- ferent titles. — Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 137 

wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. 
or 3. months togeather, and neither had bread nor any 
kind of corne. Indeed, in an other place, in his 2. De- 
cade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse 
put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and 
dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremi- 
ties the Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in 
their great wants preserved both their lives and healthes ; 
let his name have y e praise. Yet let me hear make use of 
his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this 
people : That ivith their miseries they opened a way to these 
new-lands ; and after these stormes, with what ease other 
men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of y e calamities 
these men suffered ; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste 
wher all things are provided for them. 

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well 
fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. 
to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they 
had bought, to take bass & such like fish, by course, every 
company knowing their turne. No sooner was y e boate 
discharged [98] of what she brought, but y e next company 
tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they re- 
turne till they had cauight something, though it were 5. 
or 6. days before, for they knew ther was nothing at home, 
and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente 
to y e rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she 
stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seeking of shel- 
fish, which at low-water they digged out of y e sands. And 
this was their living in y e soiher time, till God sente y m 
beter ; & in winter they were helped with ground-nuts 
and foule. Also in y e soiher they gott now & then a dear ; 
for one or 2. of y e fitest was apoynted to range y e woods 
for -f end, & what was gott that w r ay was devided amongst 
them. 

At length they received some leters from y e adventurers, 
too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard 

18 



138 HISTORY OF 



BOOK II. 



of their furder crosses and frustrations ; begining in this 
maner. 

Loving freinds,* as your sorrows & afflictions have bin great, 
so our croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not 
been small. For after we had with much trouble & charge sente 
ye p arra gon away to sea,f and thought all y e paine past, within 
14. days after she came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, 
and brused with tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to 
be had into y e docke, and an 100 H . bestowed upon her. All y e 
passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much 
discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so as some 
dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be 
well and worke for y e best and your benefite, if yet with patience 
you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst 
these things were doing, M r . Westons ship £ came and brought 
diverce leters from you, &c. It rejoyseth us much to hear of 
those good reports y l diverce have brought home from you, &c. 

So farr of this leter. 

This ship was bought by M r . John Peirce, and set out 
at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These 
passengers, & y e goods the company sent in her, he tooke 
in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be de- 
livered hear. This was he in whose name their first pa- 
tented was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some 
aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his 
name was only used in trust. But when he saw they 
were hear hopfully thus seated, and by y e success God 
gave them had obtained y e favour of y e Counsell of New- 
England, he goes and sues to them for another patent of 
much larger extente (in their names), which was easily 
obtained. But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow 

* These letters were dated Des. 21. published two years later, he says, 

1622. [Prince, I. 135, errs in giving " The Paragon with thirty -seven men, 

December 22d as the date of these let- sent to relieve them, miscarried twice." 

ters. — Ed.] — Ed. 

f Smith says, in his New England's J The Charity, which left the colony 

Trials, " To supply them this 16th of "in the end of September or the be- 

October is going the Paragon with 67 ginning of October " previous. — Ed. 
persons." In his Generall Historie, § See p. 107. — Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 139 

them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue 
to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which 
follows. But y e Lord marvelously crost him ; for after 
this first returne, and y e charge above mentioned, when 
shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in 
more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear 
his losses, and sets out y e 2. time. But [99] what y e event 
was will appear from another leter from one of y e cheefe 
of y e company, dated y e 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to y e Gov 1 ' 
hear, as followeth. 

Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hoped to have re- 
ceived one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write 
in Des : I litle thought to have seen M r . John Peirce till he had 
brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he 
brought us y e wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way 
over, by extraime tempest, werin y e goodnes & mercie of God 
appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so 
great to M r . Peirce, &c, and y e companie put upon so great 
charge, as veryly, &c. 

Now with great trouble & loss, we have got M r . John Peirce 
to assigne over y e grand patente* to y e companie,f which he had 
taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. 
I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke y l the hand of God 
was justly against him, both y e first and 2. time of his returne ; 
in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only 
to use his name for y e company, should aspire to be lord over us 
all, and so make you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our 
assurance or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. 
I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part 

* It appears from the Council rec- It appears also that the colony was 
ords of London, in the State Paper Of- called, in England, Peirce's Plantation, 
flee, abstracts of which were made by Under the date of May 18th, 1623, it is 
the Rev. J. B. Felt, that on the 20th of stated, that the difficulty between John 
April, 1622, Peirce obtained a grant for Peirce and his associates is settled, 
himself and associates as a joint inter- This patent is not extant, and it may 
est; but on the same day gave this up, never have been sent to the colony. In 
and procured a patent or " Deed Pole " the first patent, alluded to on page 107, 
of the said lands to himself, for his heirs, Peirce is styled "citizen and cloth- 
associates, and assigns for ever. With worker of London." — Ed. 
this proceeding the adventurers in f " By this Company seems to be 
Plymouth colony find fault, and con- meant the Adventurers to Plymouth 
ceive themselves deceived by Peirce. Colony." Prince, I. 136. — Ed. 



140 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

with his royall Lordship, and y e high-rate he set it at, which 
was 500 H . which cost him but 50 H ., maks many speake and 
judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, 
with charge aboute y e passengers, 640 11 ., &c. 

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, 
caled y s Anne, which is to be ready y e last of this month, to 
bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c. 

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623. 

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this 
mans dealing & proceedings ; for I thought it more meete 
to render them in theirs then my owne words. And yet 
though ther was never got other recompence then the res- 
ignation of this patente, and y e shares he had in adventure, 
for all y e former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued 
them in most of y e cheefe courts in England, and when he 
was still cast, brought it to y e Parlemente. But he is now 
dead, and I will leave him to y e Lord. 

This ship suffered y? greatest extreemitie at sea at her 
2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved ; as I 
have been informed by M r . William Peirce who was then 
m r . of her, and many others that were passengers in her. 
It was aboute y e midle of Feb: The storme was for y e 
most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days & nights to- 
geather in most violent extremitie. After they had cut 
downe their mast, y e storme beat of their round house and 
all their uper works ; 3. men had worke enough at y e 
helme, and he that cund* y e ship before y e sea, was faine 
[100] to be bound fast for washing away ; the seas did so 
over-rake them, as many times those upon y e decke knew 
not whether they were within bord or withoute ; and once 
she was so foundered in y e sea as they all thought she 
would never rise againe. But yet y e Lord preserved them, 
and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to y e won- 

* Cunn, Cond, or Conn, (sea-term,) the word of direction to the man at the 

" to conduct or guide a ship in the right helm how to steer." Phillips's World 

course, for he that conns stands aloft of Words. " He that cund " the Par- 

with a compass before him, and gives agon was probably not "aloft." — Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 141 

der of all men y l saw in what a case she was in, and heard 
what they had endured. 

About y e later end of June came in a ship, with Cap- 
taine Francis West, who had a comission to be admirall 
of New-England,* to restraine interlopers, and shuch fish- 
ing ships as came to fish & trade without a licence from 
y e Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay 
a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of 
them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found y e 
fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, 
upon complainte made to y e Parlemente, procured an order 
y l fishing should be free.-j* He tould y e Gov r they spooke 
with a ship at sea, and were abord her, y l was coming for 
this plantation, in which were sundrie passengers, and 
they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some mis- 
cariage ; for they lost her in a storme % that fell shortly 
after they had been abord. Which relation filled them 
full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m r . of this ship 
had some 2. frfr of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, 
held them at 9 H . sterling a hoggshead, & under 8 H . he 
would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under 
rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with out, 
and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So 
they went from hence to Virginia.§ 

* ; ' Nov. 2d, 1622. Order for Captain The bill first reported on the 17th of 
Francis West's commission, to be ap- March, 1623-4, passed, but never re- 
pointed Admiral of New England, to ceived the royal assent. See Bancroft, 
go out in the ship called the Plantation. I. 326, 327. — Ed. 
Nov. 2d. Captain Thomas Squib was % Prince, I. 137, citing this History 
commissioned as aid to the Admiral, at this place, says, " lost her mast in 
Nov. 30th. Captain West's commission a storm," &c, which a reinspection of 
as Admiral of New England sealed." the original manuscript shows to be 
FeWs Memoranda from the Council Rec- an inaccurate reading of the text. — Ed. 
ords. — Ed. § I may not here omite how, not- 

f The question of the fisheries occa- withstand all their great paines & in- 

sioned an earnest debate in Parliament, dustrie, and y e great hops of a large 

and the Great Patent of New England cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, & 

was denounced as a monopoly. "Shall take away the same, and to threaten 

none," observed Coke to Sir F. Gorges, further & more sore famine unto them, 

" visit the sea-coast for fishing? This by a great drought which continued 

is to make a monopoly upon the seas, from y e 3. weeke in May, till about 

which were wont to be free. If you ye midle of July, without any raine, 

alone are to pack and dry fish, you at- and with great heat (for y e most parte), 

tempt a monopoly of the wind and sun." insomuch as ye corne begane to wither 



142 



HISTORY OF 



[book II. 



About 14. days after came in this ship, caled y e Anne, 
wherof M r . William Peirce was m r ., and aboute a weeke 
or 10. days after came in y e pinass* which in foule 
weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. 
tune,-|* which y e company had builte to stay in the cuntrie. 
They brought about 60. persons J for y e generall, some of 
them being very usefull persons, and became good mem- 



away, though it was set with fishe, the 
moysture wherof helped it much. Yet 
at length it begane to languish sore, 
and some of y e drier grounds were 
partched like withered hay, part wherof 
was never recovered. Upon which they 
sett a parte a solemne day of humillia- 
tion, to seek y e Lord by humble & fer- 
vente prayer, in this great distrese. 
And he was pleased to give them a gra- 
cious & speedy answer, both to their 
owne, & the Indeans admiration, that 
lived amongest them. For all y e morn- 
ing, and greatest part of the day, it was 
clear weather & very hotte, and not a 
cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, 
yet toward evening it begane to over- 
cast, and shortly after to raine, with 
shuch sweete and gentle showers, as 
gave them cause of rejoyceing, & bles- 
ing God. It came, without either wind, 
or thunder, or any violence, and by de- 
greese in yt* abundance, as that ye earth 
was thorowly wete and soked therwith. 
Which did so apparently revive & quick- 
en y e decayed corne & other fruits, as 
was wonderfull to see, and made y e In- 
deans astonished to behold ; and after- 
wards the Lord sent them shuch season- 
able showers, with enterchange of faire 
warme weather, as, through his bless- 
ing, caused a fruitfull & liberall harvest, 
to their no small comforte and rejoycing. 
For which mercie (in time conveniente) 
they also sett aparte a day of thanks- 
giveing. This being overslipt in its 
place, I thought meet here to inserte 
y e same. 

[The above is written on the reverse 
of page 103 of the original, and should 
properly be inserted here. This pas- 
sage, "being overslipt in its place," 
the author at first wrote it, or the most 
of it, under the preceding year; but, 
discovering his error before completing 
it, drew his pen across it, and wrote 
beneath, " This is to be here rased out, 
and is to be placed on page 103, wher 



it is inserted." The compiler of the 
Memorial, however, very blindly places 
the passage under the year 1622. — Ed. 

* " In the latter end of July, and the 
beginning of August, came two ships 
with supply unto us ; who brought all 
their passengers, except one, in health, 
who recovered in short time ; who, 
also, notwithstanding all our wants and 
hardship, blessed be God ! found not 
any one sick person amongst us at the 
Plantation. The bigger ship, called the 
Anne, was hired and there again freight- 
ed back ; from whence we set sail the 
10th of September. The lesser, called 
the Little James, was built for the com- 
pany at their charge. She was now also 
fitted for trade and . discovery to the 
southward of Cape Cod." Winslow, 
in Young, pp. 351 - 353. — Ed. 

f The Little James, " Mr. Bridges 
being master thereof." Morton's Me- 
morial, p. 48. — Ed. 

| See list of passengers in Young, 
p. 352. This list and that of the pas- 
sengers who came in the Fortune, in 
1621, are obtained from the record of 
the allotment of lands, in 1624 ; for 
which see Hazard, 1. 101-103. Among 
the passengers in the Anne were George 
Morton and family, which included his 
son Nathaniel Morton, afterwards dis- 
tinguished as the Secretary of the col- 
ony, and the compiler of " New-Eng- 
land's Memoriall." Nathaniel was 
twelve years old when he arrived. In the 
preface to his book he styles Governor 
Bradford " my much honored uncle " ; 
and it is said that his mother was a sis- 
ter of Bradford. See Davis's edition 
of the Memorial, preface. 

Mrs. Alice Southworth, widow, came 
with these passengers, and on the 14th 
of August, about a fortnight after her 
arrival, was married to Governor Brad- 
ford, being the fourth marriage in the 
colony. See p. 71, note *; Prince, I. 
140. —Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 143 

bers to y e body, and some were y e wives and children of 
shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad, as 
they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe 
y e next year. Also, besids these ther came a company, 
that did not belong to y e generall body, but came one* their 
perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be 
for them selves, yet to be subjecte to y e generall Gover- 
ment ; which caused some diferance and disturbance 
[101] amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear 
againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch 
leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest 
things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, 
as much as may be, without tediousness. 

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your 
healths & wellfare, being right sorie y l no supplie hath been 
made to you all this while ; for defence wher of, I must referr 
you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent 
you many things, which we should & would, for want of money. 
But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for 
people come flying in upon us, but monys come creeping in to 
us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, &c. So they 
come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall 
enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to 
goe, and often shuch as are none of y e fitest, I pray you write 
ernestly to y e Treasurer and directe what persons should be 
sente. It greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, 
and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must 
still call upon the company hear to see y l honest men be sente 
you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, &c. 
We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an 
noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my con- 
sents; but y e importunitie of their freinds got promise of our 
Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take 
any lewd men, for we may have honest men enew, &c.f 

Your assured freind, 

R. C.f 

* On. — Ed. the Anne, which the adventurers hoped 

f There is no date to this and the to despatch by the end of April. See 

following letter, but they were probably p. 140. — Ed. 

written about the time of the sailing of $ Robert Cushman. — Ed. 



144 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

The following was from y e genrall. 

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and 
harty affection ; being yet in hope y l the same God which hath 
hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue 
your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. 
Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time, 
&c. We have in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing 
and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their chil- 
dren, &c. We would not have you discontente, because we 
have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, him * 
on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, 
or contemne him. But as y e intente was at first, so y e evente 
at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer 
your expectations to the full. Ther are also come unto you, 
some honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A 
thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong 
both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more 
inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be 
a strengthening to y e place, and good neighbours [102] unto 
you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have lik- 
wise signified them hear. First, y e trade for skins to be retained 
for the generall till y e devidente ; 2&. y l their setling by you, be 
with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for y e 
lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy & easie assem- 
bling togeather. 

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. Diverse 
other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill 
of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because 
our cash is small), yet it is y l we could, &c. 

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more 
rivers and fertill grounds then y l wher you are, yet seeing by 
Gods providence y l place fell to you r lote, let it be accounted as 
your portion ; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be 
done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. If your 
place be not y e best, it is better, you shall be y e less envied and 
encroached upon ; and shuch as are earthly minded, will not 
setle too near your border.f If y e land afford you bread, and 
y e sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one 

* I. R. f This proved rather, a propheti, then advice. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 145 

day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are 
neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, 
take y e worst to your selves, with content,* & leave y e best to 
your neighbours, with cherfullnes. 

Let it not be greeveous unto you y l you have been instru- 
ments to breake y e ise for others who come after with less difi- 
culty, the honour shall be yours to y e worlds end, &c. 

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is 
towards you all, as are y e harts of hundreds more which never 
saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, 
as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that y e same God which 
hath so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, 
will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you 
honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at y e last day. 
And so y e Lord be with you all & send us joy full news from 
you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish & per- 
fecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him y l confound- 
eth y e mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. 
To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever. 

This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names. 

These passengers, when they saw their low & poore 
condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and 
according to their diverse humores were diversly affected ; 
some wished them selves in England againe ; others fell 
a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what y ey saw 
now in others ; other some pitying the distress they saw 
their freinds had been long in, and still were under ; in a 
word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old 
freinds rejoysed to see them, and y l it was no worse with 
them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and 
now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And 
truly it was [103] no marvell they should be thus affected, 
for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged 
in aparell, & some litle beter then halfe naked ; though 
some y l were stord before, were well enough in this re- 
gard. But for food they were all alike, save some y l had 

* Contend in the manuscript. — En. 

19 



146 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

got a few pease of y e ship y l was last hear. The best dish 
they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a 
peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupp 
of fair spring water. And y e long continuance of this 
diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated y e 
freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them 
health and strength in a good measure ; and shewed them 
by experience y e truth of y l word, Deut. 8. 3. Y l man Uv- 
eth not by bread only, but by every word y l proceedeth out of 
y e mouth ofy e Lord doth a man live. 

When I think how sadly y e scripture speaks of the fam- 
ine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy 
us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 
43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land ; 
and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of 
sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse 
other food, as milke, butter & cheese, &c., and yet it 
was counted a sore affliction ; theirs hear must needs be 
very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of 
bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. 
But God fedd them out of y e sea for y e most parte, so 
wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages ; for his 
mercie endureth for ever. 

On y e other hand the old planters were affraid that their 
corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to y e new- 
comers, whose provissions w ch they brought with them 
they feared would fall short before y e year wente aboute 
(as indeed it did). They came to y e Gov r and besought 
him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne 
for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken ex- 
traordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely 
injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of y e 
victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and 
let y° new-comers injoye what they had brought; they 
would have none of it, excepte they could purchase any of 
it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 147 

granted them, for it gave both sides good contente ; for y c 
new-comers were as much afraid that y e hungrie planters 
would have eat up y e provissions brought, and they should 
have fallen into y e like condition. 

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by 
y e help of many hands. Also they sente in her all y e 
beaver and other furrs they had, & M r . Winslow was sent 
over with her, # to informe of all things, and procure such 
things as were thought needfull for their presente con- 
dition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of 
famine, now God gave them plentie, and y e face of things 
was changed, to y e rejoysing of y e harts of many, for which 
they blessed God. And y e effect of their particuler plant- 
ing was well seene, for all had, one way & other, pretty 
well to bring y e year aboute, and some of y e abler sorte 
and more [104] industrious had to spare, and sell to oth- 
ers, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been 
amongst them since to this day. 

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater 
matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute 
building great houses, and such pleasant situations for 
them, as them selves had fancied ; as if they would be great 
men & rich, all of a sudaine ; but they proved castls in 
y e aire. These were y e conditions agreed on betweene y e 
colony and them. 

First, that y e Gov r , in y e name and with y e consente of 
y e company, doth in all love and frendship receive and im- 
brace them ; and is to allote them competente places for 
habitations within y e towne. And promiseth to shew 
them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for 
them to desire, or us to performe. 

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such 
laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, 
for y e publick good. 

* The Anne sailed the 10th of September. See p. Ill, note, and p. 142, 
note *. — Ed. 



148 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



3. That they be freed and exempte from y e generall 
imployments of the said company, (which their presente 
condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune de- 
fence, & such other imployments as tend to y e perpetuall 
good of y e collony. 

4 ly . Towards y e maintenance of Gov 11 , & publick officers 
of y e said collony, every male above y e age of 16. years 
shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or y e worth of it, into 
y e commone store. 

5 ly . That (according to y e agreemente y e marchants made 
with y m before they came) they are to be wholy debared 
from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and 
such like commodities, till y e time of y e comunallitie be 
ended. 

About y e midle of September arrived Captaine Eobart 
Gorges * in y e Bay of y e Massachusets, with sundrie pas- 



* Robert Gorges had a grant of land 
in Massachusetts, from the Council of 
New England, dated December 30th, 
1622. He was sent over to reform 
abuses committed by the fishermen and 
other interlopers, and to regulate the 
affairs of the corporation. " My son 
Robert Gorges," writes Sir Ferdinand, 
" being newly come out of the Venetian 
war, was the man they were pleased to 
pitch upon, being one of the Company, 
and interested in a proportion of the land 
with the rest of the patentees, in the 
Bay of Maj echeiosett, containing ten miles 
in breadth, and thirty miles into the 
main land, who between my Lord Gorges 
and myself was speedily sent away into 
the said Bay of Massechewset, where he 
arrived about the beginning of August 
following, Anno 1623, that being the 
place he resolved to make his residence, 
as proper for the public, as well as for 
his private, where landing his provisions, 
and building his storehouses, he sent to 
them of New-Plymouth (who by his 
commission were authorized to be his 
assistants) to come unto him, who will- 
ingly obeyed his order, and as carefully 
discharged their duties," &c. See 
Gorges 'sBriefe Narration, p. 33. Rob- 
ert Gorges's patent, which is in the 
same work, pp. 34-37, is described as 



lying on the northeast side of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, together with all the 
shores and coasts along the sea, for ten 
English miles in a straight line towards 
the northeast, and thirty English miles 
unto the main land. This was " loose 
and uncertain." After his death the 
grant fell to his eldest brother, John 
Gorges, who, in January, 1628-9, con- 
veyed a portion of the territory to Sir 
William Brereton, who sent over fam- 
ilies and servants to occupy it. 

John Oldham was also interested in 
a grant or "lease" under this^patent, 
and both he and Brereton occasioned 
some trouble to the Massachusetts Com- 
pany, whose subsequent grant embraced 
all this territory. Their claims were 
not acknowledged, and the title of Old- 
ham appears to have been considered 
by this Company " void in law." For 
a full history of these claims, see Hutch- 
inson's History of Massachusetts, 1st 
ed., I. 6, 7 ; Maine Plist. Coll., II. 46, 
47 ; Young's Chronicles of Massachu- 
setts, pp. 51,52, 122, 123, 147, 148, 
169-171. Possibly Governor Gorges 
may have " pitched upon the place Mr. 
Weston's people had forsaken" for his 
settlement, supposing it to be embraced 
within his grant. — Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 149 

sengers and families, intending ther to begine a planta- 
tion ; and pitched upon y e place M r . Weston's people had 
forsaken. He had a comission from y e Counsell of New- 
England, to be generall Gove r of y e cuntrie, and they ap- 
poynted for his counsell & assistance, Captaine Francis 
West, y e aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite,* Esquire, 
and y e Gov r of Plimoth for y e time beeing, &c. Allso, 
they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should 
find fit. Allso, they gave (by their comission) full power 
to him & his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him 
selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them 
should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and 
Civill, &c., with diverce other instructions. Of which, & 
his comission, it pleased him to suffer y e Gov r hear to take 
a coppy. 

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before 
they could visite him he went to y e eastward with y e ship 
he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a 
good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for 
this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly enter- 
tained ; he stayed hear 14. days. In y e mean time came 
in M r . Weston with his small ship, which he had now re- 
covered. [105] Captaine Gorges tooke hold of y e oppor- 
tunitie, and acquainted y e Gov r hear, that one occasion of 
his going to y e eastward was to meete with M r . Weston, 

* On his return to England, Levett month, in which time he sent for his 
published an account of his " Voyage men from the east, who came over in 
into New England, begun in 1623, and divers ships. " At this place," he says, 
ended in 1624." During his residence "I met with the Governor [Gorges], 
in the country, he appears to have con- who came thither in a bark which he 
fined his attention chiefly to the eastern had from one M. Weston about twenty 
coast, which he explored for the pur- days before I arrived in the land. The 
pose of selecting a place for a settle- Governor then told me that I was joined 
ment ; and pitched upon a spot called with him in commission as a council- 
Quack, named by him York, for that lor, which being read I found it was so. 
purpose. The location of this place is And he then, in the presence of three 
uncertain, neither name being preserved, more of the council, administered unto 
He describes it as " about two leagues me an oath." Levett speaks of Cape 
to the east of Cape Elizabeth." Soon Ann, Massachusetts, and Plymouth, 
after his arrival, he visited the plantation neither of which places did he visit. 
of Mr. Thompson at the mouth of the See Maine Hist. Coll., II. 79, 80, 84, 
Piscataqua, where he stayed about one 85. — Ed. 



150 HISTORY OF [BOOK IT. 

and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to 
his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and 
some other of his assistants, with y e Gov r of this place ; 
and charged him, first, with y e ille carriage of his men at 
y e Massachusets ; by which means the peace of y e cuntrie 
was disturbed, and him selfe & the people which he had 
brought over to plante in that bay were therby much 
prejudised. To this M r . Weston easily answered, that 
what was that way done, was in his absence, and might 
have befalen any man ; he left them sufficently provided, 
and conceived they would have been well governed ; and 
for any errour coihitted he had sufficiently smarted. This 
particuler was passed by. A 2 d . was, for an abuse done to 
his father, S r . Ferdenando Gorges, and to y e State. The 
thing was this ; he used him & others of y e Counsell of 
New-England, to procure him a licence for y e transporting 
of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pre- 
tending great fortification hear in y e countrie, & I know 
not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he 
went and sould them beyond seas for his private profite ; 
for which (he said) y e State was much offended, and his 
father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to ap- 
prehend him for it. M r . Weston excused it as well as he 
could, but could not deney it ; it being one maine thing 
(as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after 
many passages, by y e mediation of y e Gov r and some other 
freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he apre- 
hended y e abuse of his father deeply) ; which, when M r . 
Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such 
provocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in great 
indignation & distemper, and vowed y l he would either 
curb him, or send him home for England. At which M r . 
Weston was something danted, and came privatly to y e 
Gov r hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine 
Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not 
hinder him, but much blamed him, y l after they had paci- 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 151 

fied things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly 
& rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe & them too. 
He confest it was his passion, and prayd y e Gov r to entreat 
for him, and pacifie him if he could. The which at last 
he did, with much adoe ; so he was called againe, and y e 
Gov r * was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to 
make further answer, when either he or y e lords should 
send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and 
ther was a freldly parting on all hands. 

But after he was gone, M r . Weston in lue of thanks to 
y e Gov r and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind 
their baks) for all their pains. That though they were 
but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus 
they parted at this time, and shortly after y e Gov r tooke 
his leave and went to y e Massachusets by land, being very 
thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed 
hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some 
passengers ther to deliver ; and with her returned sun- 
drie of those from hence which came over on their per- 
ticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of y e cuntrie ; 
others by reason of a fire t that broke out, and burnt y e 
houses they lived in, and all their provisions [106] so as 
they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned 
by some of y e sea-men that were roystering in a house 
wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could 
weather, which broke out of y e chimney into y e thatch, 
and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses,J and consumed all y e 
goods & provissions in y m . The house in which it begane 
was right against their store-house, which they had much 
adoe to save, in which were their comone store & all their 

* That is, Governor Gorges. — Ed. J " Smith says there were seven 

f " This was on the fifth of Novem- houses burnt ; but perhaps by mistake 

ber, 1624 [1623]." Morton's Memo- he may account therewith the two 

rial, p. 51. Among those who met burnt in 1621 ; and Mr. Hubbard seems 

with losses by this fire, and went back to mistake in writing as if the common 

to England at this time, was Mr. Timo- house were burnt, whereas the fire was 

thy Hatherly, who came in the Anne, only right over against it, and greatly 

He subsequently returned to the colony, endangered it. " Prince, I. 142. — Ed. 
Ibid., p. 47. — Ed. 



152 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

provissions ; y e which if it had been lost, y e plantation 
had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was 
saved by y e great dilligence of y e people, & care of y e 
Gov r & some aboute him. Some would have had y e goods 
throwne out ; but if they had, ther would much have been 
stolne by the rude company y l belonged to these 2. ships, 
which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company 
was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths 
& other means kept of y e fire without, that if necessitie 
required they might have them out with all speed. For 
y ey suspected some malicious dealling, if not plaine treach- 
erie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows ; 
but this is certaine, that when y e tumulte was greatest, 
ther was a voyce heard (but from whom it was not 
knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all 
were not freinds y l were near them. And shortly after, 
when the vemencie of y e fire was over, smoke was seen to 
arise within a shed y l was joynd to y e end of y e store- 
house, which was watled up with bowes, in y e withered 
leaves wherof y e fire was kindled, which some, railing to 
quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, lying 
under y e wale on y e inside, which could not possibly come 
their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, 
in y e judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them 
from this deanger, what ever was intended. 

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y e generall Gov r , was 
come home to y e Massachusets, he sends a warrante to 
arrest M r . Weston & his ship, and sends a m r . to bring 
her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged 
to him) to conducte him along. The Gov r & others hear 
were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke ex- 
ception at y e warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente ; and 
withall write to him to disswade him from this course, 
shewing him y l he would but entangle and burthen him 
selfe in doing this ; for he could not doe M r . Weston a 
better turne, (as things stood with him) ; for he had a 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 153 

great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and 
was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a maher 
out of victails (and now winter) ; all which would light 
upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In y c mean time 
M r . Weston had notice to shift for him selfe ; but it was 
conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to 
mend him selfe, but was rather glad of y e occasion, and so 
stirred not. But y e Gov r would not be perswaded, but 
[107] sent a very formall warren te under his hand & 
seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to y e 
state ; he also write that he had better considered of things 
since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him 
goe so ; besids other things that were come to his knowl- 
edg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered 
to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that 
was tould him ; for when an inventorie was taken of what 
was in y e ship, ther was not vitailes found for above 14. 
days, at a pare allowance, and not much else of any great 
worth, & the men did so crie out of him for wages and 
diate, in y e mean time, as made him soone weary. So as 
in conclusion it turned to his loss, and y e expence of his 
owne provissions ; and towards the spring they came to 
agreement, (after they had bene to y e eastward,) and y e 
Gov r restord him his vessell againe, and made him satis- 
faction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what 
he had made use of that was his, or what his men had 
any way wasted or consumed. So M r . Weston* came 
hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Vir- 
ginie, & so for present I shall leave him.f 

* Thomas Morton, in his New Eng- knew them well, admits that they were 

lish Canaan, gives an incoherent account "men made choice of at all adven- 

of Weston's arrest, and of the seizure tures, . . . many of them lazy persons 

of his ship ; and intimates that the Ply- that would use no endeavor to take the 

mouth planters connived at the act, benefit of the country." Christopher 

which latter is not to be credited. Levett, before cited, bears a similar 

Weston's misfortunes appear to have testimony. See New English Canaan, 

excited the sympathy of Bradford. Of pp. 106, 108, 113-115 ; Levett's Voy- 

the character of the men composing his age, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 182. 

plantation, all contemporary accounts — Ed. 
agree. Even Thomas Morton, who f He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in 

20 



154 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



The Gov r and some y l depended upon him returned for 
England, haveing scarcly saluted y e cuntrie in his Gover- 
mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his 
quallitie & condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, 
some went for England, others for Virginia, some few re- 
mained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The 
Gov r brought over a minister with him, one M r . Morell,* 
who, about a year after y e Gov r returned, tooke shipping 
from hence. He had I know not what power and author- 
ity of superintendancie over other churches granted him, 
and sundrie instructions for that end ; but he never shewed 
it, or made any use of it ; (it should seeme he saw it was 
in vaine ;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going 
away. This was in effect y e end of a 2. plantation in that 
place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings 
made in other places, as at Paskataway, by M r . David 
Thomson,! at Monhigen, J and some other places by sun- 
drie others. 



y e time of the warrs, of y e sicknes in 
yt place. 

* Mr. William Morrell was an Epis- 
copal clergyman, and a person of fine 
classical taste. " During his residence 
in the country he was employed in com- 
posing a Latin poem descriptive of New 
England, its inhabitants and produc- 
tions," of which he made a free trans- 
lation into English verse ; and after his 
return to England published them both 
in one pamphlet. See 1 Mass. Hist. 
Coll., I. 125 - 139 ; Davis's edition of 
the Memorial, pp. 108, 109. — Ed. 

f Thompson was sent over by Mason 
and Gorges, — who, the year before, 
had procured the Laconia grant, — and 
commenced the settlement, in the spring 
of this year, at a place called Little 
Harbor, on the west side of Piscata- 
qua River, near its mouth. He proba- 
bly remained there till 1626, although 
Hubbard states that " he removed down 
into the Massachusetts Bay within a 
year after " he began that plantation. 
It is certain, from this History, that 
he was residing at Piscataqua in 1626 ; 
for Bradford speaks of " Mr. David 
Thomson, who lived at Pascataway," 



as joining Winslow and himself in a 
trading expedition that year to Monhe- 
gan. It further appears, from the Mass. 
Colony Records, that "in and about the 
year 1626 " Thompson took possession 
of the island in Boston harbor which 
bears his name, " and did erect the form 
of a habitation" there. He died soon 
after, leaving an infant son, to whom 
and his heirs, in 1648, the Court did 
" grant the said island." See further 
under the year 1626 ; Winslow, in 
Young, pp. 350, 351 ; Adams's Annals 
of Portsmouth, p. 10 ; Records of Mas- 
sachusetts, edited by Nathaniel B. 
Shurtleff, M. D., III. 129, 130. — Ed. 
J Monhegan Island was in ancient 
times the most famous one on the sea- 
board of Maine. It was the land ar- 
rived at and first mentioned by the orig- 
inal voyagers and fishermen who visited 
these shores. In 1626, Abraham Shurte 
was sent over by Elbridge and Aids- 
worth, who purchased the island of 
Abraham Jennings, of Plymouth, Eng- 
land, for which he gave £ 50. See 
Williamson's History of Maine, p. 61, 
— Ed. 



1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 155 

It rests now y l I speake a word aboute y e pihass* spoken 
of before, which was sent by y e adventurers to be imployed 
in y e cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out, j* 
and I fear y e adventurers did over pride them selves in 
her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly 
in tow things aboute her ; first, though she had a sufficiente 
maister, yet she was rudly maiied, and all her men were 
upon shars, and none was to have any wages but y e m r . 
2 ly , wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent noth- 
ing of any value to trade with. When the men came 
hear, and mette with ill counsell from M r . Weston & his 
crue, with others of y e same stampe, neither m r nor Gov r 
could scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they 
were abused & deceived, for they were tould they should 
goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, French 
& Spaniards, &c. They would neither trade nor fish, ex- 
cepte they had wages ; in fine, they would obey no coihand 
of y e maisters ; so as it was apprehended they would either 
rune away with y e vessell, or get away w th y e ships, and 
leave her ; so as M r . Peirce & others of their freinds per- 
swaded the Gov r to chaing their condition, and give them 
wages ; which was accordingly done. And she was sente 
about y e Cape to y e Narigansets to trade, but they made 
but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they 
got, but y e Dutch used to furnish them with cloath & 
better coihodities, they haveing only a few beads & 
knives, which were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in 
her returne home, at y e very entrance into ther owne har- 
bore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, 
and was forced to cut her maine mast by y e bord, to save 
herselfe from driving on y e flats that lye without, caled 
Browns Hands,! the force of y e wind being so great as 



* The Little James. See p. 142.— Ed. er's Plymouth, p. 331. On the 6th of 

f With her flages, & streamers, pen- October, 1635, "two shallops, going, 

dents, & wastcloaths, &c. laden with goods, to Connecticut, were 

| Which lie " about half a mile east taken in the night with an easterly 

by north from Beach Point." Thach- storm, and cast away upon Brown's 



156 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

made her anchors give way and she drive right upon 
them ; but her mast & takling being gone, they held her 
till y e wind shifted. 

Anno Dom: 1624. 

The time of new election of ther officers for this year 
being come, and y e number of their people increased, and 
their troubls and occasions therwith, the Gov r desired 
them to chainge y e persons, as w T ell as renew y e election ; 
and also to adde more Assistans to y e Gov r for help & 
counsell, and y e better carrying on of affairs. Showing 
that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour 
or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of 
it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but 
equall others should help to bear it ; and y l this was y e 
end of Ahuall Elections. The issue was, that as before 
ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the 
Gov r a duble voyce ; * and aftwards they increased them 
to 7. which course hath continued to this day. 

They having with some truble & charge new-masted 
and rigged their pinass, in y e begining of March they 
sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She 
arived safly at a place near Damarins cove, and was there 
well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther 
being also some ships allready arived out of England. 
But shortly after ther [109] arose such a violent & extra- 
ordinaire storme, as y e seas broak over such places in y e 
harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against 
great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a 
horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her 
into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m r . was 
drowned, the rest of y e men, all save one, saved their 
lives, with much a doe ; all her provision, salt, and what 

Island, near the Gurnett's Nose, and * Governor Bradford was not suffered 
the men all drowned." Savage's Win- to retire, but was re-elected. — Ed. 
throp, I. 169. — Ed. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 157 

els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to 
lye till afterward. 

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticu- 
ler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie 
to a strong faction that was among y e adventurers in Eng- 
land, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their pri- 
vate whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of y e 
company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, 
as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be 
suffered to be in their perticuler allso ; and made great 
offers, so they might be freed from y e generall. The Gov 1 
consulting with y e ablest of y e generall body what was 
best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them 
so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were 
the same in effect with y e former before related. Only 
some more added, as that they should be bound here to 
remaine till y e generall partnership was ended. And also 
that they should pay into y e store, y e on halfe of all such 
goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above 
their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed 
out for them, with some such like things. This liberty 
granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that 
undertooke this course when it came too ; and they were 
as sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, 
& M r . Weston togeather, that ther would never come more 
supply to y e generall body ; but y e perticulers had such 
freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not 
what. 

Shortly after, M r . "Winslow came over,* and brought a 

* Morton says, " in the month of mentioned it ; and we are therefore led 

March." According to this History, it to infer that an error exists either in the 

appears that Winslow and Lyford came Colony Records, or in this History, as 

in the same ship which brought the first to the name of this ship. It will be ob- 

cattle ; and this is called the Charity, served that she is called the " Charitie" 

In the Plymouth Records relative to the in Sherley 's letter on the following page, 

division of cattle, in 1627, it is stated It appears, further on, that the master 

that they were brought in the Jinn. If of this ship was "one Baker," who 

both ships had arrived at this time, with proved "a drunken beast"; but Mr. 

passengers and supplies for the colony, it William Peirce was to oversee the busi- 

seems probable that Bradford would have ness and to be the master of the ship 



158 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing 
fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers & a bull, 
the first begining of any catle of that kind in y e land, with 
some cloathing & other necessaries, as will further appear ; 
but withall y e reporte of a strong faction amongst the ad- 
venturers * against them, and espetially against y e coming 
of y e rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply 
was procured, and how, by their strong & long opposision, 
bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne 
too late for y e fishing season, but the best men were taken 
up of y e fishermen in y e west countrie, and he was forct 
to take such a m 1 *. & company for that imployment as he 
could procure upon y e present. Some letters from them 
shall beter declare these things, being as followeth. 

[110] Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving 
leters I have received, and render you many thanks, &c. It 
hath plased God to stirre up y e harts of our adventurers* to raise 
a new stock for y e seting forth of this shipe, caled y e Charitie, 
with men & necessaries, both for y e plantation and y e fishing, 
though accomplished with very great difficulty ; in regard we 
have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their 
owne private ends, and y e thwarting & opposing of some hear, 
and other worthy instruments f of Gods glory elswher, then at 
y e generall good and furtherance of this noble & laudable action. 
Yet againe we have many other, and I hope y e greatest parte, 
very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends 
and intents are wholy for y e glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in 
y e propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore 
salvages to y e knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, 
One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecontent- 
ed persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to with- 
draw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from 
y e generall bussines ; and yet under show and pretence of godly- 
nes and furtherance of y e plantation. Wheras the quite con- 
trary doth plainly appeare ; as some of y e honester harted men 
(though of late of their faction) did make manifest at our late 

home. See Davis's edition of the Me- * Adventures in the manuscript. — 

morial, p. Ill, note, and Appendix, pp. Ed. 

381 - 386. — Ed. f He means M r . Robinson. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 159 

meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these 
restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continuall 
disturbers of our frendly meetings & love. On Thurs-day y c 8. 
of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you & 
us ; wher they would rejecte that, which we in our late leters 
prest you to grante, (an addition to y e time of our joynt stock). 
And their reason which they would make known to us was, it 
trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was 
agreed upon at y e first. But that night they were so followed 
and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, 
and offered to sell their adventurs ; and some were willing to 
buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false 
reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in 
such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adventurers 
amongst us, would not suffer them. But on y e 12. of Jan : we 
had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked 
with most of them privatly, and had great combats & reason- 
ing, pro & con. But at night when we mete to read y e generall 
letter, we had y e loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I 
knew,* and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50 ti . So I 
sent for a potle of wine, (I would you could f doe y e like,) which 
we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne y e harts of 
men when it pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily 
salute you all in y e Lord, hoping ever to rest, 

Yours to my power, 
Jan: 25. 1623.J James Sherley. 

[Ill] Another leter. 

Beloved S r ., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men & 
means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and 
boat making ; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection, 
your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend you selfe what 
you can to setle these bussinesses. Let y e ship be fraught away 
as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow. You must send some 

* But this lasted not long, they had ther is now more cause to complaine of 

now provided Lyford & others to send y e excess and ye abuse of wine (through 

over. mens corruption) even to drunkennes, 

f It is worthy to be observed, how then of any defecte or wanteof y e same. 

y e Lord doth chaing times & things ; Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord 

for what is now more plentifull then lay not ye sins & unthankfullnes of men 

wine 1 and that of ye best, coming from to their charge in this perticuler. 
Malago, y e Cannaries, and other places, % That is, 1624, new style. — Ed. 
sundry ships lading in a year. So as 



160 HISTORY OF [BOOK IT. 

discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must also 
authorise to confirme y e conditions.* If M r . Winslow could be 
spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is 
thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no 
doubte doe you much good. Let him have an absolute comand 
over his servants & such as you put to him. Let him build you 
2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you 
can. The salt-man is a skillfull & industrious man, put some 
to him, that may quickly apprehende y e misterie of it. The 
preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, 
though none of y 3 most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing 
him into office use your owne liberty & discretion ; he knows he 
is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome & universal- 
itie may make him forget him selfe. M r . Winslow & my selfe 
gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we 
see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of children. 

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c. I am sory ther 
is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither.f Some 
say you are starved in body & soule ; others, y l you eate piggs 
& doggs, that dye alone ; others, that y e things hear spoaken of, 
y e goodnes of y e cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes ; that ther 
is scarce a foule to be seene, or a fish to be taken, and many 
such like. I would such discontented men were hear againe, 
for it is a miserie when y e whole state of a plantation shall be 
thus exposed to y e passionate humors of some discontented 
men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some yt 
would goe, and have not better composed their affections ; mean 
space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them. 

I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, but 
in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile y e ship, 
provide salte & other fishing implements, &c. as we could not 
provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, &c. I hope the 
returne of this ship, and the James, will put us in cash againe. 
The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome bussi- 
nes, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from 
our labours. Fare well in ah harty affection. 

Your assured freind, 

Jan: 24. 1623.$ R. C. 

* See page 109. —Ed. % That is, 1624, new style. —Ed. 

f This was John Oldome & his like. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 161 

With y e former letter write by M r . Sherley, there were 
sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. 
" These are the cheefe objections which they [112] that 
are now returned make against you and the countrie. I 
pray you consider them, and answer them by the first con- 
venience." These objections were made by some of those 
that came over on their perticuler and were returned 
home, as is before mentioned,* and were of y e same suite 
with those y l this other letter mentions. 

I shall here set them downe, with y e answers then made 
unto them, and sent over at y e returne of this ship ; which 
did so confound y e objecters, as some confessed their falte, 
and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their 
words, & some others of them have since come over againe 
and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both 
in their owne & other mens judgments. 

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know 
no such matter, for here was never any controversie or 
opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) 
since we came. 

2. ob : Neglecte of familie duties, one y e Lords day. 
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our 

selves & others ; and they that thus reporte it, should have 
shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love 
tould y e offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them 
behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them 
selves had given better example. 

3. ob : W^ante of both the sacrements. 

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept 
from us, by whom we might injoye them ; for we used to 
have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as 
often as ther was occasion of children to baptise. 

4. ob : Children not catechised nor taught to read. 
Ans : Neither is true ; for diverse take pains with their 



* See page 151 . — Ed.. 

21 



162 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

owne as they can ; indeede, we have no comone schoole for 
want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one ; 
though we desire now to begine. 

5. ob : Many of y e perticuler members of y e plantation 
will not work for y e generall. 

Ans : This allso is not wholy true ; for though some doe 
it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe it ; and 
he that doth worst gets his owne foode & something besids. 
But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them 
y e best we cane, or else to quitte y e plantation of them. 

6. ob : The water is not wholsome. 

Ans : If they mean, not so wholsome as y e good beere 
and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will 
not dispute with them ; but els, for water, it is as good 
as any in y e world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is whol- 
some enough to us that can be contente therwith. 

7. ob : The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse. 
[113] Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better & 

some worse ; and if they well consider their words, in Eng- 
land they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their 
feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as 
fatt as need be ; we wish we had but one for every hun- 
dred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as 
some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know 
y e contrary. 

8. ob : The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. 
Ans : This is as true as that which was written, that 

ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. 
Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many sayle 
of ships come yearly a fishing ; they might as well say, 
there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sower- 
ing. 

9. ob : Many of them are theevish and steale on from 
an other. 

Ans : Would London had been free from that crime, 
then we should not have been trobled with these here ; 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 163 

it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so 
are y e rest like to doe, if they be taken. 

10. ob : The cuntrie is anoyed with foxes and woules. 
Ans : So are many other good cuntries too ; but poy- 

son, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them. 

11. ob : The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, and 
are likely to overthrow the trade. 

Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if 
we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. 
We rather commend them, then condemne them for it. 

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes. 

Ans : They are too delicate and unfitte to begine new- 
plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of 
a muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepe at home till 
at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as 
free as any, and experience teacheth that y e more y e land 
is tild, and y e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, 
and in the end scarse any at all. 

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle 
things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from 
M r . Robinson their pastor ; the one to y e Gov r , y e other to 
M r . Brewster their Elder, which will give much light to 
y e former things, and express the tender love & care of a 
true pastor over them. 

His leter to y e Gov r . 

My loving & much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo 
preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and y e good 
of many ; that his blessing may make your godly and wise en- 
deavours answerable to y e valuation which they ther have, & set 
upon y e same. Of your love too and care for us here, we never 
doubted ; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes 
we doe. Our love & care to and for you, is mutuall, though 
our hopes of coming [114] unto you be small, and weaker then 
ever. But of this at large in M r . Brewsters letter, with whom 
you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, 
as I desire you may doe these, &c. 



164 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



Concerning y e killing of those poor Indeans,* of which we 
heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, 
oh ! how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some, 
before you had killed any ; besids, wher bloud is one begune to 
be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will 
say they deserved it. I grant it ; but upon what provocations 
and invitments by those heathenish Christians?! Besids, you, 
being no magistrats over them, were to consider, not what they 
deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to in- 
flicte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many 
more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks 
on or tow principals should have been full enough, according to 
that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and y e fear to 
many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you 
seriouly to consider of y e dispossition of your Captaine, J whom 



* At Wessaguscus, in March, 1622-3, 
briefly alluded to on page 132, and of 
which there is a full account by Wins- 
low, in Young, pp. 326-346. It ap- 
pears that the lives of seven Indians 
were taken in that encounter. The 
sentiments of Mr. Robinson in relation 
to this transaction are highly honorable 
to him. The few brief extracts from 
this letter which were preserved by 
Prince, have always commended them- 
selves to the humane reader. " They 
indicate," remarks Judge Davis, " a 
generous philanthropy, which must al- 
ways gain our affection, and should ever 
be cherished. Still, the transactions 
to which they relate are defensible. As 
to Standish, Dr. Belknap places his de- 
fence on the rules of duty imposed by 
his character as the military servant of 
the colony. The government, it is pre- 
sumed, will be considered as acting un- 
der severe necessity, and will require 
no apology, if the reality of the conspir- 
acy be admitted, of which there can be 
little doubt. It is certain they were 
fully persuaded of its existence ; and 
with the terrible example of the Vir- 
ginia massacre in fresh remembrance, 
they had solemn duties to discharge. 
The existence of the whole settlement 
was at hazard." See Davis's edition 
of the Memorial, p. 91 ; Belknap, II. 
330. —Ed. 

f M r . Westons men. 

J Standish was born in Lancashire, 
went over into the Low Countries when 



young, and was a soldier there, and 
there became acquainted with the 
church at Leyden. He was a man of 
small stature, but of unquestioned cour- 
age and resolution. His wife, Rose, 
who came with him in the Mayflower, 
died on the 29th of January, 1620-1. 
His second wife was named Barbara. 
He removed to Duxbury about the year 
1630, and there died in 1656. From a 
manuscript note of Prince, taken from 
Deputy-Governor William Bradford's 
Table-Book, it appears that Standish 
died on the 3d of October. In his will, 
which is dated March 7, 1655, (proba- 
bly 1656, new style,) he enumerates 
four sons then living, and also his " dear- 
ly beloved wife Barbara." Among his 
bequests are three pounds to " Marcye 
Robenson, whom I tenderly love for her 
grandfather's sake." She was a daugh- 
ter of Isaac Robinson. He also gives 
to his " son and heir apparent, Alexan- 
der Standish," certain lands " given to 
me as right heir by lawful descent, 
but surreptitiously detained from me ; 
my great-grandfather being a second 
or younger brother from the house of 
Standish of Standish." See Morton's 
Memorial, p. 143; Hubbard, p. Ill; 
Young, pp. 125, 126 ; Russell's Guide 
to Plymouth, p. 243 ; Davis's ed. of 
the Memorial, pp. 262, 263, note ; New 
England Hist, and Geneal. Register, V. 
335, 336, 464; Prince's Introduction 
to Mason's Pequot War, p. iii. — Ed. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 165 

I love, and am perswaded y e Lord in great mercie and for much 
good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man 
humble and meek amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie 
course. But now if this be meerly from an humane spirite, ther 
is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of provocation, ther 
may be wanting y l tendernes of y e life of man (made after Gods 
image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glorious in 
mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, 
to be a terrour to poore barbarous people ; and indeed I am 
afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to af- 
fecte a kind of rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you 
will take in good part these things which I write, and as ther is 
cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable and 
convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in presence, 
but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, 
and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers 
it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for y e 
most parte. They deney it to be any part of y e covenants be- 
twixte us, that they should trasporte us, neither doe I looke for 
any further help from them, till means come from you. "We 
hear are strangers in effecte to y e whole course, and so both we 
and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed 
you further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce 
accessaries, &c. My wife, with me, resaluts you & yours. Unto 
him who is y e same to his in all places, and nere to them which 
are farr from one an other, I comend you and all with you, 
resting, 

Yours truly loving, 

John Robinson.* 
Leyden, Des : 19. 1623. 

His to M r . Brewster. 

Loving and dear freind and brother : That which I most de- 
sired of God in regard of you, namly, y e continuance of your 
life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that 
I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I 

* An earlier letter of Robinson to the III. 45. Tt is written from Leyden, June 

church at Plymouth, received after their 30, 1621, after tidings received from 

arrival here, is preserved in Bradford's the colonists by the Mayflower, and 

Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., probably came in the Fortune. — Ed. 



1'66 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

hope M rs . Brewsters weake and decayed state of body will 
have some reparing by the coming of her daughters,* and the 
provissions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you ; 
which maks # us with more patience bear our languishing state, 
and y e deferring of our desired trasportation ; w ch I call de- 
sired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand 
by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, 
or can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end ; 
so that all must depend [115] upon returns from you, in which 
are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie 
can thence be concluded. Besids, howsoever for y e presente the 
adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an in- 
vincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others with- 
out doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we 
must dispose y e adventurers into 3. parts ; and of them some 5. 
or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others. 
Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed adversaries. The rest, be- 
ing the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, & loveingly also 
towards us ; yet such as have others (namly y e forward preach- 
ers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is 
any dirTerance, they would rather advance then ours. Now what 
a hanck f these men have over y e professors, you know. And 
I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling 
I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye 
that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, ther market 
will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if 
they have but halfe y e witte to their malice, they will stope my 
course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth 
them very opportunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by 
hanging back, more then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be 
not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A nota- 
ble $ experimente of this, they gave in your messengers presence, 
constraining y e company to promise that none of the money 
now gathered should be expended or imployed to y e help of any 
of us towards you. Now touching y e question propounded by 
you, I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 
12. 7. 8. & 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach & 
exhorte and labore in y e word and doctrine, to which y e sacre- 

* Fear and Patience, who came in f Hank, influence. — Ed. 
the Anne, in 1623. —Ed. % Notabe in MS. — Ed. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 167 

ments are aiiexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were 
lawfull. "Whether any larned man will come unto you or not, 
I know not; if any doe, you must Consiliu capere in arena. Be 
you most hartily saluted, & you r wife with you, both from me 
& mine. Your God & ours, and y e God of all his, bring us 
together if it be his will, & keep us in the mean while, and all- 
ways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and 
faithfull to the end. Amen. 

Your very loving brother, 
Leyden, Des : 20. 1623. John Robinson.* 

These things premised, I shall now prosecute y e proced- 
ings and. afairs here. And before I come to other things 
I must speak a word of their planting this year; they 
having found y e benifite of their last years harvest, and 
setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a 
great deale of patience overcome hunger & famine. Which 
maks me remember a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That 
a great parte of lihertie is a ivell governed belly, and to be 
patiente in all wants. They begane now highly to prise 
corne as more pretious then silver, and those that had 
some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale 
things, by y e quarte, potle, & peck, &c. ; for money they 
had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. 
That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better 
advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov 1 " to have 
some portion of land given them for continuance, and not 
by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which y e more in- 
dustrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) 
one year, came to leave it y e nexte, and often another might 
injoye it ; so as the dressing of their lands were the more 
sleighted over, & to lese profite. "Which being well con- 
sidered, their request was granted. And to every person 
was given only one acrre of land, to them & theirs, as 
nere y e towne as might be, and they had no more till y e 7. 

* This letter, with the omission of into the Plymouth Church Records, 
a few lines, was copied hy Morton — Ed. 



168 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



years were expired * The reason was, that they might be 
kept close together both for more saftie and defence, and 
y e better improvement of y e generall imployments. Which 
condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I 
had read in Plinie j" of y e Romans first beginings in Rom- 
ulus time. How every man contented him selfe with 2. 
Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 
3. It was thought a great reward, to receive at y e hands of 
y e people of Rome a pinte of come. And long after, the 
greatest presente given to a Captaine y t had gotte a victory 
over their enemise, was as much ground as they could till in 
one day. And he was not counted a good, hut a dangerous 
man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land. 
As also how they did pound their come in morters, as these 
people were forcte to doe many years before they could 
get a mille. 

The ship which brought this supply, was speedily dis- 
charged, and with her m r . & company sente to Cap-Anne 
(of which place they had gott a patented as before is 



* The record of the allotment of 
lands made at this time may be seen in 
Hazard, I. 101-103, and in the Ap- 
pendix to Davis's edition of the Memo- 
rial, pp. 377-380. — Ed. 

t Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2. 

J This patent was taken out in the 
names of Robert Cushman and Edward 
Winslow, for themselves and their as- 
sociates. It was granted by Edmond 
Lord Sheffield, a member of the Coun- 
cil for New England, and is dated Jan- 
uary 1st, 1623-4. The original parch- 
ment has been discovered within a few 
years, and has been published in a su- 
perior manner, in facsimile, entitled 
" The Landing at Cape Anne," edited 
by Mr. J. W. Thornton. The location 
and boundaries of this patent are some- 
what vague, perhaps necessarily so, and 
its terms conditional. If Sheffield's 
right to make this grant depended upon 
any claim which he had or expected to 
have to this territory, from the division 
of the country among the patentees 
holding under the great Plymouth char- 



ter, it would seem to be invalid, inas- 
much as that division was never con- 
firmed by the crown. It appears, how- 
ever, that Sheffield had been interested 
in lands somewhere in New England, 
individually, by purchase. This patent, 
like those to Robert Gorges and to John 
Peirce, from the Council, contemplated 
the erection of a government upon the 
place ; but a grant of this nature obvi- 
ously rested upon no authority, while 
the royal sanction was wanting. Brad- 
ford is silent as to any plans which the 
Plymouth people had formed respecting 
Cape Ann, simply relating the fact that 
they had established a fishery there, 
and employed a person to trade there 
in skins. This spot, we infer, was 
early abandoned by them, as fishing 
was " a thing fatal" to the Plymouth 
plantation. Besides, a difficulty which 
occurred there the following year, and 
which will be recited in its place, led 
Governor Bradford to write to the Coun- 
cil for New England, under date of June 
28, 1625, that the adventurers who had 



1624.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



169 



shewed) on fishing, and because y G season was so fair 
spente some of y e planters were sent to help to build their 
stage, to their owne hinderance. But partly by y e latenes 
of y e year, and more espetialy by y e basnes of y e m r ., one 
Baker, they made a poore viage of it. He proved a very 
drunken beast, and did nothing (in a maner) but drink, 
& gusle, and consume away y e time & his victails ; and 
most of his company followed his example ; and though 
M r . William Peirce was to over see the busines, & to be 
m r . of y e ship home, yet he could doe no good amongst 
them, so as y e loss was great, and would have bene more 
to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in 
those times got some store of skins, which was some help 
unto them. 



forsaken them had " entered into a par- 
ticular course of trading, and have, by 
violence and force, taken at their pleas- 
ure our possession at Cape Ann." 
We learn nothing further from Bradford 
respecting this patent, and will cite the 
brief and only allusion to it by Hubbard, 
who remarks, that " the Company of 
New Plymouth had obtained a useless 
patent of Cape Ann about the year 
1623." Christopher Levitt and John 
Smith, contemporary writers, both speak 
of the new settlement begun at this place 
by the people of Plymouth. 

The Dorchester fishing Company, 
with which the Reverend John White 
of that place was connected, commenced 
a settlement at Cape Ann, probably in 
the autumn of 1623, which is thus al- 
luded to by Captain Smith, at the end 
of his Generall Historie, first published 
in 1624 : " At Cape Anne there is a 
plantation beginning by the Dorchester 
men, which they hold of those of New 
Plymouth, who also by them have set 
up a fishing work." According to 
Hubbard, about the year 1625, Roger 
Conant, John Lyford, and John Oldham, 
who had left the Plymouth colony, and 
were then residing at Nantasket, were 
invited by the Company in England to 
join that settlement ; the first named to 
be its overseer or "governor." Conant 
and Lyford accepted, and there re- 
mained until the settlement broke up in 

22 



the course of the next year, when they, 
with a few others, removed to Naum- 
keag. Bradford makes no reference to 
the Dorchester settlement at Cape Ann. 
In the work above alluded to, (Land- 
ing at Cape Anne,) Mr. Thornton gives 
a history of the Dorchester settlement 
at that place, and not only is of opin- 
ion that that is the true commencement 
of the Massachusetts colony, but he 
aims also to connect its history with this 
Sheffield patent, in the same manner as 
the history of Massachusetts is identified 
with the charter which brought that 
government into existence ; and to show 
that Conant was Governor under this 
instrument, precisely as was Winthrop 
under the charter of that colony. This 
Sheffield grant, it will be remembered, 
was to Cushman and Winslow and their 
associates ; and although it appears from 
Smith that the Dorchester people at 
Cape Ann in some way held of those of 
Plymouth, yet there is no evidence that 
the settlements of the two companies 
there were in any sense identical ; nei- 
ther does it appear that the Dorchester 
Company was ever in possession of this 
patent, or that its government was based 
upon its provisions. See Thornton's 
Landing at Cape Anne, pp. 16, 31 - 35, 
69-71; Hubbard, pp. 102, 106, 110, 
231 ; Hazard, I. 391 ; 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., 
III. 38; Planter's Plea, pp. 68-75; 
Felt's Ecclesiastical History, 1. 74.— Ed. 



170 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest 
and very industrious man, and followed his labour very 
dilligently, and made all that were imployed with him 
doe y e like ; he quickly builte them 2. very good & strong 
shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great 
and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches ; 
but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in y e hote sea- 
son of y e year, and though he had the best means y e place 
could aforde, yet he dyed ; of whom they had a very 
[117] great loss, and were very sorie for his death. But 
he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, fool- 
ish, selfwilld fellow ; he bore them in hand he could doe 
great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to 
seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some 
serch he tould y e Gov r that he had found a sufficente 
place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise 
very conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short 
time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great 
profite ; but he must have 8. or ten men to be constantly 
imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y e ground was 
good, and other things answerable, and y l he could bring 
it to perfection ; otherwise he would bring upon them a 
great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men. 
But he was, after some triall, so confldente, as he caused 
them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large 
house, to receive y e salte & such other uses. But in y e 
end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of y e ground, 
in which he was deceived ; but if he might have the lighter 
to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it, Now 
though y 6 Gov r & some other foresaw that this would 
come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits 
amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their 
letters of complainte to y e adventurers, as to be their falte 
y l would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to per- 
fection ; for as he by his bould confidence & large prom- 
ises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had 






1624] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 171 

wound him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so 
as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his 
vanity. For he could not doe any thing but boyle salt in 
pans, & yet would make them y l were joynd with him 
beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie 
to be attained, and made them doe many unnecessary 
things to blind their eys, till they discerned his sutltie. 
The next yere he was sente to Cap- Anne, and y e pans 
were set up ther wher the fishing was ; but before sorrier 
was out, he burte the house, and the fire was so vehemente 
as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was 
the end of that chargable bussines. 

The 3 d - eminente person (which y e letters before men- 
tion) was y e minister which they sent over, by name John 
Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be more large, 
though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When 
this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that 
reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed 
made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, 
and would have kissed their hands if they would have 
[118] suffered him;* yea, he wept & shed many tears, 
blessing God that had brought him to see their faces ; and 
admiring y e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if 
he had been made all of love, and y e humblest person in 
y e world. And all y e while (if we may judg by his after 
cariags) he was but like him mentioned in Psa : 10. 10. 
That croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall 
by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,f who, 
when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette 
them y l were coming to offer incence in y e house of y e 
Lord ; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to slay them. 
They gave him y e best entertainment y ey could, (in all sim- 
plisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of y e store then 
any other had, and as the Gov r had used in all waightie 

* Of w ch were many witneses, f Jer. 41. 6. 



172 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

affairs to consulte with their Elder, M r . Brewster, (togeither 
with his assistants,) so now he caled M r . Liford also to coun- 
sell with them in their waightiest bussineses. Ater some 
short time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to y e 
church hear, and was accordingly received. He made a 
large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of 
his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with 
many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his con- 
science, and blessed God for this opportunitie of freedom 
& libertie to injoye y e ordinances of God in puritie among 
his people, with many more such like expressions. I must 
hear speake a word also of M r . John Oldom,* who was 
a copartner with him in his after courses. He had bene 
a cheefe sticler in y e former faction among y e perticulers, 
and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since 
the coming of this ship and he saw y e supply that came, 
he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y e cheefe 
amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them 
wrong both by word & deed, & writing into England; 
but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with 
them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart 
smite him, neither should those in England ever use him 
as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing. 
He also desired former things might be forgotten, and that 
they would looke upon him as one that desired to close 
with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now 
whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden 
pange of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only 
knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his 
love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called 
him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y e other, 
without any distrust at all. 

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and 
smothly on amongst them, at which they did much re- 

* Oldham came in the Anne, and was one of those who " were on their 
perticuler." — Ed. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 173 

Joyce ; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom and 
he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great ma- 
lignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could ; 
were they never so vile or profane, they did nourish & 
back them in all their doings ; so they would but cleave 
to them and speak against y e church hear ; so as ther was 
nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst 
them ; they feeding themselves & others with what they 
should bring to pass in England by the faction of their 
freinds their, which brought others as well as them selves 
into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cary so closly 
but much of both their doings & sayings were discovered, 
yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things. 

At lenght when y e ship was ready to goe, it was ob- 
served Liford was long in writing, & sente many letters, 
and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such 
things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought 
he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Gov r and some 
other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, 
and what hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and 
wente out with the ship a league or 2. to sea, and calecl 
for all Lifords & Oldums letters. M r . William Peirce 
being m r . of y e ship, (and knew well their evill dealing 
both in England & here,) afforded him all y e assistance he 
could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of 
them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations, tend- 
ing not only to their prejudice, but to their mine & utter 
subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke 
copys of them, but some of y e most materiall they sent 
true copyes of them, and kept y e originalls, least he should 
deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand 
against him. Amongst his letters they found y e coppyes 
of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to 
M r . John Pemberton, a minster, and a great opposite of 
theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes 
were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to 



174 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

M r . Brewster here, the other by M r . Winslow to M r . Rob- 
inson, in Holand, at his coming away, as y e ship lay at 
Gravsend. They lying sealed in y e great cabin, (whilst 
M r . Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y e ship,) this 
slye marchante* taks & opens them, taks these coppys, 
& seals them up againe ; and not only sends the coppyes 
of them thus to his friend and their adversarie, but adds 
the r too in y e margente many scurrilous and flouting annota- 
tions. This ship went out towards eving, and in the night 
y e Gov r retufed. They were somwaht blanke at it, but 
after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then 
were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, 
but all was gone currente, and that the Gov r went but to 
dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Gov r & 
rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things 
ripen, that they [120] might y e better discover their in- 
tents and see who were their adherents. And y e rather 
because amongst y e rest they found a letter of one of their 
confederats, in w ch was writen that M r . Oldame & M r . 
Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone 
wealth ; and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended 
to joyne togeather, and have the sacrements, &c. 

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so 
bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as 
deepe in y e mischeefe as the other. And thinking they 
were now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells 
at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according 
to order) refused to come, fell out with y e Capten, caled 
him raskell, and beggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew 
his knife at him ; though he offered him no wrong, nor 
gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes required him 
to doe his duty. The Gov r , hearing y e tumulte, sent to 
quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a 
man, and cald them all treatours, and rebeUs, and other 

* Merchant. — This was sometimes equivalent to chap ox fellow. See Hal- 
used as a familiar form of address, li well's Dictionary. — Ed. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 175 

such foule language as I am ashamed to remember ; but 
after he was clapt up a while, he came to him selfe, and 
with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his be- 
haviour for further censure. 

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this 
esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever 
speaking one word either to y e Gov r , Church, or Elder, 
withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting aparte, 
on y e Lord's day ; with sundry such insolente cariages, 
too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acte 
what privatly they had been long plotting. 

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mis- 
cheefe) to calle them to accounte ; so y e Gov r called a 
courte and sumoned the whol company to appeare. And 
then charged Lyford & Oldom with such things as they 
were guilty of. But they were stiffe, & stood resolutly 
upon y e deneyall of most things, and required proofe. 
They first alledged what was write to them out of Eng- 
land, compared w T ith their doings & pactises hear ; that 
it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and 
disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill & 
church state, which was most injurious ; for both they 
and all y e world knew they came hither to injoye y e liber- 
tie of their conscience and y e free use of Gods ordinances ; 
and for y l end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh 
so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds 
had borne the charg of these beginings, which was not 
small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on 
this charge, and that both he and his great family * was 
maintained on y e same, and also was joyned to y e church, 
& a member of them ; and for him to plote against 
them & seek their ruine, was most unjust & perfidious. 
And for [121] Oldam or any other that came over at their 
owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they 

* When he left Plymouth he had a " wife and children, four or five." New 
English Canaan, p. 120. —Ed. 



176 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they 
came only to seeke shelter & protection under their wings, 
not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to y 9 
fable,) like the Hedghogg whom y e conny in a stormy day 
in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content 
to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp 
pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow ; 
so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe y e 
same to thos that entertained them. 

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them 
in England, or knew of their courses, and made other 
things as strange that he was charged with. Then his 
letters were prodused & some of them read, at which he 
was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, 
because they had intercepted and opened his letters, 
threatening them in very high language, and in a most 
audacious and mutinous maner stood up & caled upon 
y e people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts % now 
shew your courage, you have oft complained to me so & 
so ; now is y e time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand 
by you, &c. Thinking j l every one (knowing his humor) 
that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their 
discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side 
w lh him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not 
a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being struck- 
en with the injustice of y e thing. Then y e Gov 1 ' turned 
his speech to M r . Lyford, and asked him if he thought 
they had done evill to open his letters ; but he was silente, 
& would not say a word, well knowing what they might 
reply. Then y e Gov r shewed the people he did it as a 
magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent 
y e mischeefe & mine that this conspiracie and plots of 
theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids 
his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds 
y l trusted him, & stole their letters & opened them, and 
sent coppies of them, with disgracefull ahotations, to his 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 177 

freinds in England. And then y e Gov r produced them and 
his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could 
not deney,) and caused them to be read before all y e peo- 
ple ; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had not a 
word to say. 

It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his let- 
ters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have 
them by me. I shall only note a few of y e cheefe things 
collected out of them, with y e answers to them as they 
were then given ; and but a few of those many, only for 
instance, by which the rest may be judged of. 

[121 *] 1. First, he saith, the church would have none 
to live hear but them selves. 2 ly . Neither are any willing 
so to doe if they had company to live els-wher. 

Ans : Their answer was, that this was false, in both 
y e parts of it ; for they were willing & desirous y l any 
honest men may live with them, that will cary them 
selves peacably, and seek y e comone good, or at least doe 
them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not 
live els wher so long as they may live with them. 

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not 
of y e seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c. 

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false cal- 
lumniation, for they had many amongst them that they 
liked well of, and were glad of their company ; and should 
be of any such like that should come amongst them. 

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins 
raised from 2. Sam : 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume 
times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons ; 
2 ly , that great men may be reproved as well as meaner. 

A. Their answer was, that both these were without 
either truth or colour of y e same (as was proved to his 
face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things 
long before they knew M r , Liford. 

* 121 is repeated in the paging of the original. — Ed. 

23 



178 HISTORY OF 



BOOK II. 



4. That they utterly sought y e ruine of y e perticulers ; 
as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of y e 
generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing 
one coihoditie for another. 

Ans : This was a most malicious slander and voyd of 
all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men ; 
for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them 
as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both 
lend & give to them when they wanted ; and this the per- 
ticuler persons them selves could not deney, but freely 
confest in open court. But y e ground from whence this 
arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with 
them. When one was called before them, and questioned 
for receiving powder and bisket from y e guner of y e small 
ship, which was y e companys, and had it put in at his 
window in the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that 
had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being 
one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating his 
falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mis- 
cheeous & most false slander : That because they would 
not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought 
their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this ; that 
they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and then 
sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of 
subsistance. 

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, 
for they turned none into their perticuler ; it was their 
owne importunitie and ernest desire that moved them, yea, 
constrained them to doe it. And they apealed to y e per- 
sons them selves for y e truth hereof. And they testified 
the same against him before all present, as allso that they 
had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind 
usage. 

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and 
writeth, that it was a Strang difference, that some have 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 179 

bene alowed 16 h . of meale by y e weeke, and others but ¥'. 
And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths 
and bellies are very litle & slender over others. 

Ans : This might seeme strange indeed to those to 
whom he write his leters in England, which knew not y e 
reason of it ; but to him and others hear, it could not be 
strange, who knew how things stood. For the first coin- 
ers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those w ch 
came in y e Anne, y e August before, & were to live 13. months 
of the provissions they brought, had as good alowance in 
meal & pease as it would extend too, y e most part of y e 
year ; but a litle before harvest, when they had not only 
fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but 4 K . 
of meall a week, lived better then y e other, as was well 
knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that 
Lyford & his had allwais the highest alowance. 

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, 
with many aggravations ; as that he saw exseeding great 
wast of tools & vesseles ; & this, when it came to be exam- 
ened, all y e instance he could give was, that he had seen 
an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how 
or tow lefte carlesly in y e feilds by some. Though he 
also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke 
to these things. But these things & such like was write 
of by him, to cast disgrace & prejudice upon them ; as 
thinking what came from a [123] minister would pass for 
currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, 
that ther was not above 7. of y e adventurers y l souight y e 
good of y e collony. That M r . Oldam & him selfe had had 
much to doe with them, and that y e faction here might 
match y e Jesuits for politic With many y e like greevious 
complaints & accusations. 

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds 
counsell and directtion. And first, that y e Leyden com- 
pany (M r . Robinson & y e rest) must still be kepte back, 
or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should 



180 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

be taken in privatly somewher on y e coast of England, (as 
it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m r . of 
y e ship (M r . William Peirce), and put another allso in 
Winslows stead, for marchante, or els it would not be 
prevented. 

2. Then he would have such a number provided as 
might oversway them hear. And that y e perticulers 
should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be free 
to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come 
over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante ; some other 
venturing 10 H ., y e bill may be taken out in y e servants 
name, and then assigned to y e party whose money it was, 
and good covenants drawn betweene them for y e clearing 
of y e matter; and this (saith he) would be a means to 
strengthen this side y e more. 

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake 
of should come over hither as a generally he was per- 
swaded he would be chosen Capten ; for this Captaine 
Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempte. 

4. Then he shows that if by y e formentioned means 
they cannot be strengthened to cary & over-bear things, 
it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves ; 
and would have it ar tickled by them that they might 
make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. 
or 4. myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places 
for plantation then this. 

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came 
not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no 
abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then 
he adds : Since I begane to write, ther are letters come 
from your company, wherin they would give sole author- 
ise in diverce things unto the Gov r here ; which, if it take 
place, then, V<e nobis. But I hope you will be more vigi- 
lante hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a maher: 

* That is, on " the general," — as one of the company ? — Ed. 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 181 

I suppose (saith he) M r . Oldame will write to you fur- 
ther of these things. I pray you conceall me in the dis- 
covery of these things, &c. 

Thus I have breeny touched some cheefe things in his 
leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding with 
him. After the reading of his leters before the whole 
company, he was demanded what he could say to these 
things. [124] But all y e answer he made was, that Bil- 
lington and some others had informed him of many things, 
and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed. 
He was againe asked if that was a sufhciente ground for 
him thus to accuse & traduse them by his letters, and 
never say word to them, considering the many bonds be- 
tweene them. And so they went on from poynte to 
poynte ; and wisht him, or any of his freinds & confed- 
erats, not to spare them in any thing ; if he or they had 
any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of 
theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther presente, 
for ther was the whole company and sundery strangers. 
He said he had been abused by others in their informa- 
tions, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And 
this was all the answer they could have, for none would 
take his parte in any thing ; but Billington, & any whom 
he named, deneyed the things, and protested he wronged 
them, and would have drawne) them, to such & such 
things which they could not consente too, though they 
were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte 
with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute y e 
church, and that he professed to concur with them in all 
things, and what a large confession he made at his ad- 
mittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he 
had a new calling, &c. And yet now he contested against 
them, and drew a company aparte, & sequestred him selfe ; 
and would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall 
caling) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as 
magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully con- 



182 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

victed, and burst out into tears, and " confest he feared he 
was a reprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted 
God would not pardon them, he was unsavorie salte, &c. ; 
and that he had so wronged them as he could never make 
them amends, confessing all he had write against them 
was false & nought, both for matter & maher." And all 
this he did with as much Mines as words & tears could 
express. 

After their triall & conviction, the court censured them 
to be expeld the place ; Oldame presently, though his wife 
& family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he 
could make provission to remove them comfortably. Ly- 
ford had liberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with 
some eye to his release, if he caried him selfe well in the 
meane time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford 
acknowledged his censure was farr less then he deserved. 

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in y e church, 
with tears more largly then before. I shall here put it 
downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it from 
his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Acknowl- 
edging [125] " That he had don very evill, and slander- 
ously abused them ; and thinking most of y e people would 
take parte with him, he thought to cary all by violence 
and strong hand against them. And that God might 
justly lay inocente blood to his charge, for he knew not 
what hurt might have come of these his writings, and 
blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to 
take knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, 
but shut his eyes & ears against all the good ; and if God 
should make him a vacabund in y e earth, as was Caine, it 
was but just, for he had sined in envie & malice against 
his brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be 
y e ground & causes of these his doings : pride, vaineglorie, 
& selfe love." Amplifying these heads with many other 
sade expressions, in the perticulers of them. 

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 183 

him upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach 
amongst them as before ; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon 
amongst them), and some other tender harted men amongst 
them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow & repent- 
ance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees 
to have his censure released. 

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, 
and may doe all others that shall come to hear y e same, 
(for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that 
after a month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffes- 
sions, convictions, and publick acknowledgments, both in 
y e face of y e church and whole company, with so many 
tears & sadde censures of him selfe before God & men, he 
should goe againe to Justine what he had done. 

For secretly he write a 2 d . leter to y e adventurers in 
England, in w ch he justified all his former writings, (save 
in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, 
because it is brefer then y e former, I shall here inserte. 

Worthy S rs : Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly 
be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall si- 
lence, yet that y e truth may not herby be injuried, your selves 
any longer deluded, nor injurious * dealing caried out still, with 
bould out facings, I have adventured once more to write unto you. 
Firest, I doe freely confess I delte very indiscreetly in some of 
my perticuler leters w ch I wrote to private freinds, for y e courses 
in coming hither & the like ; which I doe in no sorte seeke to 
justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding y e indirecte 
courses held by others, both hear, & ther with you, for effecting 
their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to y e glory 
of God & mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being 
intercepted by the Gov r , I have for y e same undergone y e cen- 
sure [126] of banishmente. And had it not been for y e respecte 
I have unto you, and some other matters of private regard, I 
had returned againe at this time by y e pinass for England ; for 
hear I purpose not to abide, unless I receive better incourag- 

* Inurious in MS. — Ed. 



184 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

mente from you, then from y e church (as they call them selves) 
here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe hard- 
nes, therfore I shall I hope cherfully bear y e conditions of y e 
place, though very mean ; and they have chainged my wages 
ten times allready. I suppose my letters, or at least y e coppies 
of them, are come to your hands, for so they hear reporte ; 
which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have 
writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so 
apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be cast 
to darken y e truth, and some ther are very audatious this way ; 
besids many other matters which are farre out of order hear. 
My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte 
of diverse poore souls here, y e care of whom in parte belongs to 
you, being here destitute of the meas of salvation. For how so 
ever y e church are provided for, to their contente, who are y e 
smalest number in y e collony, and doe so appropriate y e minis- 
trie to them selves, houlding this principle, that y e Lord hath 
not appointed any ordinary ministrie for y e conversion of those 
y l are without, so y l some of y e poor souls have w th tears com- 
plained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in 
generall. Though in truth they have had no ministrie here 
since they came, but such as may be performed by any of you, 
by their owne possition, what soever great pretences they make ; 
but herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe. 
But I exceede y e bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus, 
untill I hear further from you, so it be within y e time limited 
me. I rest, &c, 

Remaining yours ever, 

John Lyford, Exille. 
Dated Aug: 22. An : 1624. 

They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, 
but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to 
this purpose : That if God in his providence had not 
brought these things to their hands (both y e former & 
later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and 
calumniated, overthrowne, & undone ; ' and never have 
knowne by whom, nor for what". They desired but this 
equall favoure, that they would be pleased to hear their 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 185 

just defence, as well as his accusations, and waigh them 
in y e balance of justice & reason, and then censure as they 
pleased. They had write breefTy to y e heads of things 
before, and should be ready to give further [127] answer 
as any occasion should require ; craving leave to adde a 
word or tow to this last. 

1. And first, they desired to examene what filth that 
was y l he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his 
face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall silence ; some 
great mater sure ! But if it be looked into, it amounts to 
no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all ; and 
yet he licks of y l too with this excuse, that he was stired 
up therunto by beholding y e indirecte course here. But 
this point never troubled him here, it was counted a light 
matter both by him & his freinds, and put of with this, — 
that any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds 
to come over for their best advantage. All his sorrow & 
tears here was for y e wrong & hurt he had done us, and 
not at all for this he pretends to be done to you : it was 
not counted so much as indiscretion. 

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks 
he may lay load of us here. And first complains that we 
have changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with 
him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, 
neither know of any that you have made. You sent him 
over to teach amongst us, and desired he might be kindly 
used ; and more then this we know not. That he hath 
beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves from 
us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you 
please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you 
amongst his leters, which he cals a generall relation, in 
which, though he doth otherwise traduse us, yet in this 
he him selfe clears us. In y. e latter end therof he hath 
these words. I speak not this (saith he) out of any ill 
affection to the men, for I have found them very kind §• 
loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne 

24 



186 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

words under his owne hand. 2 ly . It will appere by this 
that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of y e 
store for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede 
hath required ; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and 
a man wholy at his owne corhand to tend his private af- 
fairs. What cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge 
ye ; and what he means in his speech we know not, except 
he aluds to y l of Jaacob & Laban. If you have promised 
him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please. 

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you 
take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but 
what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so ap- 
peare plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth 
astonish us and causeth us to tremble at y e deceitfullnes 
[128] and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is 
to devoure holy things, and after voues to enquire. It is 
admirable that after such publick confession, and acknowl- 
edgmente in court, in church, before God, & men, with 
such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting 
into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifle all 
againe. If things had bene done in a corner, it had been 
some thinge to deney them ; but being done in y e open 
view of y e cuntrie & before all men, it is more then 
strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to 
any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, 
and all y e evidence that could be were presente, and yet 
could make nothing appear, but even his freinds con- 
demnd him & gave their voyce to his censure, so grose 
were they ; we leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least 
this man should triumph in his wikednes, we shall be 
ready to answer him, when, or wher you will, to any 
thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it 
sufhcently allready. 

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some 
poore souls here who are destiute of y e means of salva- 
tion, &c But all his soothing is but that you would use 



1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 187 

means, that his censure might be released that he might 
here continue ; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till 
he sees what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring 
about & effecte. For such men pretend much for poor 
souls, but they will looke to their wages & conditions ; if 
that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what they 
will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls 
some wher els among richer bodys. 

Next he fals upon y e church, that indeed is y e burthen- 
some stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold 
this principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordi- 
narie ministrie for y e converssion of those without. The 
church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, 
haveing Gods word for her warrente ; that ordinarie offi- 
cers are bound cheeny to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and 
are not to be extravagants, to goe, come, and leave them 
at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or to be devoured 
of wolves. But he perverts y e truth in this as in other 
things, for y e Lord hath as well appoynted them to con- 
verte, as to feede in their severall charges ; and he wrongs 
y e church to say other wise. Againe, he saith he was 
taxed for preaching to all in generall. This is a meere 
untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day 
some are appointed to visite suspected places, & if any be 
found idling and neglecte y e hearing of y e word, (through 
idlnes or profanes,) they are punished for y e same. Now 
to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him for 
preaching to all, were to play y e mad men. 

[129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie 
since they came, what soever pretences they make, &c. 
We answer, the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept 
from us by these mens means, and then reproach us for it 
when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy dis- 
titute of y e means of salvation, as this man would make 
y e world beleeve ; for our reve d Elder hath laboured dili- 
gently in dispencing the word of God unto us, before he 



188 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

came ; and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe 
in preaching the same ; and, be it spoaken without osten- 
tation, he is not inferriour to M r . Lyford (& some of his 
betters) either in gifts or lerning, though he would never 
be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever 
was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he 
may take it to him selfe ; what y e church houlds, they 
have manifested to y e world, in all plaines, both in open 
confession, doctrine, & writing. 

This was y e sume of ther answer, and hear I will let 
them rest for y e presente. I have bene longer in these 
things then I desired, and yet not so long as the things 
might require, for I pass many things in silence, and 
many more deserve to have been more largly handled. 
But I will returne to other things, and leave y e rest to its 
place. 

The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near 
Damarins-cove, as is before showed,* some of y e fishing 
maisters said it was pity so fine a vessell should be lost, 
and sent them word that, if they would be at y e cost, they 
would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them 
have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, 
& sente men aboute it, and beaver to defray y e charge, 
(without which all had been in vaine). So they gott 
coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and 
being made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they 
boyed her up ; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work 
upon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her 
& got her home. But she cost a great deale of money, in 
thus recovering her, and buying riging & seails for her, 
both now and when before she lost her mast ; so as she 
proved a chargable vessell to y e poor plantation. So they 
sent her home,f and with her Lyford sent his last letter, 

* See pages 155, 156. — Ed. letter, and Prince (I. 150) conjectures 

| The pinnace probably sailed about that Mr. Winslow went in her. — Ed. 
the 22d of August, the date of Lyford's 



/ 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 189 

in great secrecie ; but y Q party intrusted with it gave it 
y e Gov r . 

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, 
without any spetiall mater worth noteing ; saveing that 
many who before stood something of from y e church, now 
seeing Lyfords unrighteous dealing, and malignitie against 
y e church, now tendered them selves to y e church, and 
were joyned to y e same ; profFessing that it was not out of 
y e dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but 
a desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and 
they saw now y e Lord cald for their help. [130] And so 
these troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte in sundrie 
hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was looked 
at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly 
means ; and that in reason which might rather have set 
them further of. And thus I shall end this year.* 

Anno Dom: 1625. 

At y e spring of y e year, about y e time of their Election 
Court, Oldam came againe amongst them ; and though it 
was a part of his censure for his former mutinye and mis- 
cariage, not to returne without leave first obtained, yet in 
his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, 
being also set on & hardened by y e ill counsell of others. 
And not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune 



* Captain Smith, under date of 1624, It appears from Prince that on the 

on the last leaf of his General! Historie, 17th of June of this year there was 

first published this year, thus writes : " born at Plymouth to Governor Brad- 

" At New-Plymouth there is about 180 ford, his son William, who afterwards 

persons, some cattle and goats, but becomes Deputy-Governor of the colo- 

many swine and poultry, thirty-two ny." Annals, I. 147. 

dwelling houses," &c. " The place it " August 5th. The ninth marriage 

seems is healthful, for in these last at New Plymouth is of Mr. Thomas 

three years, notwithstanding their great Prince with Mrs. Patience Brewster." 

want of most necessaries, there hath Ibid., I. 150. Morton records, in his 

not one died of the first planters." He Memorial, the death of his father, 

says the general stock already employed George Morton, which took place in 

by the adventurers is about seven thou- the month of June of this year. — Ed. 
sand pounds. 



190 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

beyond y e limits of all reason and modestie ; in so much 
that some strangers which came with him were ashamed 
of his outrage, and rebuked him ; but all reprofes were 
but as oyle to y e fire, and made y e flame of his coller greater. 
He caled them all to nought, in this his mad furie, and a 
hundred rebells & traytors, and I know not what. But 
in conclusion they comited him till he was tamer, and 
then apointed a gard of musketers w ch he was to pass 
throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on 
y e brich, with y e but end of his musket, and then was 
conveied to y e water side, wher a boat was ready to cary 
him away. Then they bid him goe & mende his maners. 
Whilst this was a doing, M r . William Peirce and M r . 
Winslow came up from y e water side, being come from 
England ; but they were so busie with Oldam, as they 
never saw them till they came thus upon them. They 
bid them not spare either him or Liford, for they had 
played y e vilans with them. But that I may hear make 
an end with him, I shall hear once for all relate what be- 
fell concerning him in y e future, & y l breefly. After y e 
removall of his familie from hence, he fell into some straits, 
(as some others did,) and aboute a year or more after- 
wards, towards winter, he intended a vioage for Virginia ; 
but it so pleased God that y e barke that caried him, and 
many other passengers, was in that danger, as they dispaired 
of life ; so as many of them, as they fell to prayer, so also 
did they begine to examine their consciences [131] and 
confess such sins as did most burthen them. And M r . 
Ouldame did make a free and large confession of y e wrongs 
and hurt he had done to y e people and church here, in 
many perticulers, that as he had sought their mine, so 
God had now mette with him and might destroy him ; 
yea, he feared they all fared y e worce for his sake; he 
prayed God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if y e 
Lord spard his life, he would become otherwise, and y e like. 
This I had from some of good credite, yet living in y e Bay, 



1625.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 191 



and were them selves partners in the same dangers on y e 
shoulds of Cap-Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. 
It pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their 
viage ; and in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe 
fairly towards them, and acknowledged y e hand of God to 
be with them, and seemed to have an honourable respecte 
of them ; and so farr made his peace with them, as he in 
after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with 
them, at his pleasure. He went after this to Virginia, 
and had ther a great sicknes, but recovered and came 
back againe to his familie in y e Bay, and ther lived till 
some store of people came over. At lenght going a trad- 
ing in a smale vessell among y e Indians, and being weakly 
mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on y e head with 
a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, & never spake word 
more. 2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, 
but had some hurte, and y e vessell was strangly recovered 
from y e Indeans by another that belonged to y e Bay of 
Massachusets ; and this his death was one ground of the 
Pequente warr which followed.* 

* Oldham came over in the Anne, as to commit to his charge that " trouble- 
in 1623. In the allotment of lands some planter, Mr. Thomas Morton," 
in the spring of 1624, ten acres were when he was sent prisoner to England 
assigned to him "and those joyned in the summer of 1628. He probably did 
with him." On leaving Plymouth he not return to New England till 1630. 
repaired to Nantasket, where a habita- Besides an interest which he claimed 
tion appears to have been early erected in lands in Massachusetts under the 
to accommodate the trade with the In- patent of Robert Gorges, he and Rich- 
dians, and where he resided for a time ard Vines secured a grant from the 
in company with Lyford and others, Council of a tract of land in Maine, on 
who also retired thither with their fam- the Saco River, which is nearly de- 
ilies. He may have intended to return scribed by the boundaries of the present 
to England after his second expulsion town of Biddeford, and which bears 
from Plymouth, as Governor Bradford, date February 12, 1629-30. He was 
in a letter to Cushman, dated June 9 admitted a freeman of the Massachusetts 
of this year, and sent over by Standish, Colony in May, 1631, and became a res- 
writes : " We have rid ourselves of the ident of Watertown, where he is found 
company of many of those who have as early as 1632. His death occurred 
been so troublesome unto us, though I in July, 1636. See Hazard, I. 103 ; 
fear we are not yet rid of the troubles Davis's ed. of the Memorial, pp. 117, 
themselves. I hear Ouldham comes 118, note, and Appendix, p. 379 ; 
himself into England, the which if he 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 36, 62, 63 ; 
do, beware of him, for he is very ma- Folsom's Hist, of Saco and Biddeford, 
licious, and much threatens you." As pp. 26, 317-319; Records of Mass. 
stated in the text, he subsequently be- Colony, I. 95, 366 ; Savage's Win- 
came reconciled to the people of Ply- throp, I. 189. —Ed. 
mouth, and they so far confided in him 



192 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

I am now come to M r . Lyford. His time being now 
expired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre 
from answering their hopes by amendmente in y e time, as 
he had dubled his evill, as is before noted. But first be- 
hold y e hand of God conceifing him, wherin that of y e 
Psalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made apitte, & 
digged it, and is fallen into the pitte he made. He thought 
to bring shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead ther- 
of opens his owne to all y e world. For when he was delte 
with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected 
with his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her 
greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens y e same to one of 
their deacons & some other of her freinds, & after uttered 
y e same to M r . Peirce upon his arrivall. "Which was to 
this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God 
would fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands 
cause ; now that they were to remove, she feared to fall 
into y e Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he 
had defiled other women ; or some shuch like [132] judg- 
mente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I 
will raise up evill against y e , and will take thy wives & 
give them, &c. And upon it showed how he had wronged 
her, as first he had a bastard by another before they were 
maried, & she having some inkling of some ill cariage 
that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him 
what she heard, & deneyd him ; but she not certainly 
knowing y e thing, other wise then by some darke & secrete 
muterings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her 
tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon 
which she gave consente, and maried with him ; but after- 
wards it was found true, and y e bastard brought home to 
them. She then charged him with his oath, but he prayed 
pardon, and said he should els not have had her. And 
yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be 
medlhig with them, and some time she hath taken him in 
y e maner, as they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 193 

circumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The woman 
being a grave matron, & of good cariage all y e while she 
was hear, and spoake these things out of y e sorrow of her 
harte, sparingly, and yet w th some further intimations. 
And that which did most seeme to affecte her (as they 
conceived) was, to see his former cariage in his repent- 
ance, not only hear with y e church, but formerly about 
these things ; sheding tears, and using great & sade ex- 
pressions, and yet eftsone fall into the like things. 

Another thing of y e same nature did strangly concurr 
herewith. "When M r . Winslow & M r . Peirce were come 
over, M r . Winslow informed them that they had had y e 
like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they 
here had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his 
letters & accusations in them. And many meetings and 
much clamour was made by his freinds theraboute, crying 
out, a minister, a man so godly, to be so esteemed & taxed 
they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute law 
against them for it. But things being referred to a further 
meeting of most of y e adventurers, to heare y e case and 
decide y e matters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men 
for moderators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose 
M r . White, a counseler at law, the other parte chose 
Reve d . M r . Hooker, y e minister, and many freinds on both 
sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In 
y e mean time, God in his providence had detected Lyford's 
evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst y e com- 
pany, who made it knowne to M r . Winslow, and directed 
him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would testifle y e 
same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was 
this ; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe 
into y e esteeme of sundry godly & zelous professours in 
those parts, who, having been burthened with y e ceremo- 
nies in England, found ther some more liberty to their 
consciences ; amongst whom were these 2. men, which 
gave [133] this evidence. Amongst y e rest of his hearers, 
25 



194 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

ther was a godly yonge man that intended to marie, and 
cast his affection on a maide which lived their aboute ; 
but desiring to chose in y e Lord, and preferred y e fear of 
God before all other things, before he suffered his affec- 
tion to rune too farr, he resolved to take M r . Lyfords ad- 
vise and judgmente of this maide, (being y e minister of 
y e place,) and so broak y e matter unto him ; & he prom- 
ised faithfully to informe him, but would first take better 
knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her ; 
and so had sundry times ; and in conclusion coihended 
her highly to y e yong man as a very fitte wife for him. 
So they were maried togeather ; but some time after mar- 
iage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted 
in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and mourne, 
and long it was before her husband could get of her what 
was y e cause. But at length she discovered y e thing, and 
prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had overcome her, 
and defiled her body before marriage, after he had comend- 
ed him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have 
him, when he came to her in that private way. The cir- 
cumstances I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to 
hear them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, 
yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.) These things 
being thus discovered, y e womas husband tooke some 
godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill. 
At length he confest it, with a great deale of seeming sor- 
row & repentance, but was forct to leave Irland upon it, 
partly for shame, and partly for fear of further punish- 
mente, for y e godly withdrew them selves from him upon 
it; and so coming into England unhapily he was light 
upon & sente hither. 

But in this great assembly, and before y e moderators, in 
handling y e former matters aboute y e letters, upon provo- 
cation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords defend- 
ers, M r . Winslow let fall these words, That he had delte 
knavishly ; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, & 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 195 

caled for witneses, that he cald a minister of y e gospell 
knave, and would prosecute law upon it, which made a 
great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte) this matter broke 
out, and the witnes were prodused, whose persons were 
so grave, and evidence so plaine, and y e facte so foule, yet 
delivered in such modest & chast terms, and with such 
circumstances, as strucke all his freinds mute, and made 
them all ashamed ; insomuch as y e moderators with great 
gravitie declared that y e former matters gave them cause 
enough to refuse him & to deal with him as they had 
done, but these made him unmeete for ever to bear minis- 
trie any more, what repentance soever he should pretend ; 
with much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds 
to rest quiete. Thus was this matter ended. 

From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in y e Bay of y e 
Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with him,* 
wher Oldom allso lived. From thence he removed to Nam- 
beke, since called Salem ; but after ther came some people 
over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els 

* Among these friends of Lyford was they went after leaving Plymouth, Hub- 
probably Roger Conant,. who sympa- bard remarks: " There Mr. Roger Co- 
thized with him in his religious views, nant, with some few others, after Mr. 
but whose name Bradford does not men- Lyford and Mr. Oldham were (for some 
tion in this History ; for what is known offence, real or supposed) discharged 
of him at this early period we are in- from having anything more to do at 
debted wholly to Hubbard, who is sup- Plymouth, found a place of retirement 
posed to have derived his information and reception for themselves and fam- 
from Conant himself. It is uncertain ilies, for the space of a year and some 
when he arrived in New England. In few months, till a door was opened for 
a petition which he addressed to the them at Cape Anne, . . . whither they 
General Court, in May, 1671, (being removed about the year 1625." If the 
then nearly eighty years of age,) he residence of Lyford and Conant at Nan- 
states that he has "been a planter in tasket corresponded to the time indicated 
New England forty-eight years and up- above, — " a year and some few months,' ' 
ward." This would date his arrival — and if we may suppose that they re- 
before 1623. If he had been a resident tired thither at the same time, it would 
at Plymouth at so early a period, it seem to point to a later period than is 
would seem that his name would be stated by Hubbard for their removal to 
found among those who had lands allot- Cape Ann. Oldham may have resided 
ted to them in the spring of 1624. He at Nantasket from the time of his first 
may have been one of the ten joined to expulsion from Plymouth, the year be- 
Oldham, whose names do not appear ; fore. See Hubbard, pp. 102, 106, 107; 
or he may have come over the next year New England Hist, and Geneal. Reg- 
with Lyford. Concerning the residence ister, II. 333 - 335. — Ed. 
of these persons at Nantasket, whither 



196 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

I know not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went 
from thence to Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and 
so I leave him to y e Lord. His wife afterwards returned 
againe to this cuntry, and thus much of this matter.* 

[134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie 
sad effects followed y e same ; for the Company of Adven- 
turers broake in peeces here upon,f and y e greatest parte 
wholy deserted y e colony in regarde of any further supply, 
or care of their subsistance. And not only so, but some 
of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds, and their adherents, set out 
a shipe on fishing, on their owne accounte, and getting y e 
starte of y e ships that came to the plantation, they tooke 
away their stage, & other necessary provisions that they 
had made for fishing at Cap- Anne y e year before, at their 
great charge, and would not restore y e same, excepte they 
would fight for it. But y e Gov r sent some of y e planters 
to help y e fisher men to build a new one, and so let them 
keepe it. J This shipe also brought them some small sup- 

* The account here given of Lyford " The dispute grew to be very hot, and 
and Oldham is copied by Morton in an high words passed between them, which 
abridged form into the Plymouth Church might have ended in blows, if not in 
Records; for, besides copying into these blood and slaughter, had not the pru- 
Records that portion of this History dence and moderation of Mr. Roger 
alluded to on page 80, and which was Conant, at that time there present, and 
printed by Dr. Young in his Chronicles Mr. Peirce's interposition, that lay just 
of the Pilgrims, Morton continued to by with his ship, timely prevented, 
make extracts from this work as he pro- For Mr. Hewes had barricaded his 
ceeded in his Church History, some- company with hogsheads on the stage- 
times taking whole letters. — Ed. head, while the demandants stood upon 

f That is, upon the developments the land, and might easily have been 

made in England concerning Lyford, cut off ; but the ship's crew, by advice 

just narrated, an account of which was promising to help them build another, 

brought over by Mr. Winslow and Cap- the difference was thereby ended." 

tain Peirce. — Ed. Hubbard, pp. 110, 111. 

J Hubbard gives a minute account of Bradford, in a letter to the Council for 
this affair at Cape Ann, which he may New England, under date of June 28th 
have received from Conant, who ap- of this year, complains of the course 
pears to have been present at the time ; which the adventurers had pursued to- 
not, however, as a resident, for Lyford wards them. "They have not only 
and his friends at this period had but cast us off, but entered into a particular 
recently left Plymouth. The person course of trading, and have by violence 
who had command of this ship, and who and force taken at their pleasure our 
seized upon this fishing-stage, was one possession at Cape Ann." His wish is 
Mr. Hewes. Captain Standish was to be " free from them." See Brad- 
there present, and " very eagerly and ford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist. 
peremptorily demanded" the stage. Coll., 111. 37, 38. — Ed. 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 197 

ply, of little value ; but they made so pore a bussines of 
their fishing*, (neither could these men make them any re- 
turne for y e supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never 
looked more after them. 

Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in y e name 
of y e rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of from y e 
plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine conditions, of 
reuniting againe. The which because they are longe & 
tedious, and most of them aboute the former things al- 
ready touched, I shall omite them ; only giveing an in- 
stance in one, or tow. 1. reason, they charged them for 
dissembling with his majestie in their petition, and with 
y e adventurers about y e French discipline,* &c. 2 ,y , for 
receiving f a manf into their church, that in his conffession 
renownced all, universall, nationall, and diocessan church- 
es, &c., by which (say they) it appears, that though they 
deney the name of Browists, yet they practiss y e same, &c. 
And therfore they should sine against God in building- 
up such a people. 

Then they adde : Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we 
may goe on in trade w lh better contente & credite, our de- 
sires are as followeth. First, that as we are partners in 
trade, so we may be in Gov rt ther, as the patente doth give 
us power, &c. 

2. That the French discipline may be practised in the 
plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in y e 
substance ; wherby y e scandallous name of y e Brownists, 
and other church differences, may be taken away. 

3. Lastly, that M r . Robinson and his company may not 
goe over to our plantation, unless he and they will recon- 
cile themselves to our church by a recantation under their 
hands, &c. 

Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth. 
"Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie & 

* See pp. 34, 35. — Ed. J This was Lyford himselfe. 

f Receive in the manuscript. — Ed. 



198 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

y e adventurers aboute y e French discipline, you doe us wrong, 
for we both hold & practice y e discipline of y e French & other 
reformed churches, (as they have published y e same in y e Har- 
mony of Confessions,*) according to our means, in effecte & sub- 
stance. But wheras you would tye us to the French discipline 
in every circumstance, you derogate from y e libertie we have in 
Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to follow 
him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought 
any Christian or church in y e world to doe it. The French may 
erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless 
doe in many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only 
to y e infallible word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to 
be propounded and followed as y e only rule and pattern for 
direction herin to all churches & Christians. And it is too great 
arrogancie for any man, or church [135] to thinke y l he or they 
have so sounded y e word of God to y e bottome, as precislie to 
sett downe y e churches discipline, without error in substance or 
circumstance, as y l no other without blame may digress or differ 
in any thing from y e same. And it is not difficulte to shew, 
y l the reformed churches differ in many circumstances amongest 
them selves. 

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to 
prosecute these men or their doings any further, but shall 
returne to y e rest of their freinds of y e company, w ch 
stuck to them. And I shall first inserte some part of 
their letters as followeth ; for I thinke it best to render 
their minds in ther owne words. 

To our loving freinds, &c.f 
Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and y e evill 
we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, 
nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we have had 

* " An Halrmony of the Confessions Bradford. "Now follows the first let- 

of the Faith of the Christian and Re- ters we received after the breach ; for 

formed Churches, with verie shorte Mr. Thornell and the rest never replied 

Notes, translated out of Latine into nor writ more unto us, being partly 

English," 1586. Another edition, 1643. ashamed of what they had done and 

— Ed. written." It is addressed, "To our 

f This letter is here considerably beloved friends, Mr. William Bradford, 
abridged from the copy preserved in Mr. Isaac Allerton, Mr. William Brew- 
Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist, ster, and the rest of the general society 
Coll., HI. 29-34. Immediately pre- of Plymouth in New England; salu- 
ceding it there, is the following note of tations." — Ed. 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 199 

some years ; wherin though our expressions have been small, 
yet our harty affections towards you (unknown by face) have 
been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. 
And though this your freind M r . Winslow can tell you y e state 
of things hear, yet least we should seeme to neglecte you, to 
whom, by a wonderfull providence of God, we are so nearly 
united, we have thought good once more to write unto you, 
to let you know what is here befallen, and y e resons of it ; 
as also our purposes & desirs toward you for hereafter. 

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved 
from what it was ; and wheras you & we were formerly sharers 
and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way is now no 
more, but you and w T e are left to bethinke our sellves what 
course to take in y e future, that your lives & our monies be not 
lost. 

The reasons and causes of this alteration have been these. 
First and mainly, y e many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses 
of sea-men, w ch have caused us to rune into so much charge, 
debts, & ingagements, as our estats & means were not able to 
goe on without impoverishing our selves, except our estats had 
been greater, and our associats cloven beter unto us. 2 ly , as 
here hath been a faction and siding amongst us now more then 
2. years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration 
amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsak- 
ing of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more w T ith 
you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this 
their doing is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to 
make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you 
are Brownists, &c. Now what use you or we ought to make 
of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know y e 
hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would 
admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is amise. And 
allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay 
these things, yet it is not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, 
and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in & 
under them for y e time to come. 

[136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occa- 
sions that may tend to y e furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather 
admiring of what is, then grudging for what is not ; so it 
must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing 
else you can be approved, yet let your honestie & conscience be 



200 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

still approved, & lose not one jote of you r innocencie, amids 
your crosses & afflictions. And surly if you upon this altera- 
tion behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose 
hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to wound 
your adversaries ; for when your righteousnes is revealled as 
y e light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly 
have sought your overthrow. 

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther 
apertaine to the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and 
rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled 
away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after 
your necessities are served, you gather togeather such comodities 
as y e cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts & clear in- 
gagements hear, which are not less then 1400 H . And we hope 
you will doe your best to free our ingagements, &c. Let us 
all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time 
will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for 
us. We still are perswaded you are y e people that must make 
a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and 
returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preser- 
vation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, 
though your freinds should forsake you (which we our selves 
shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well 
appereth). Yet surly help would arise from, some other place 
whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should 
leave you allso. 

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and 
carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as y l no man 
may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially 
that y e favour and countenance of God may be so toward you, 
as y l you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribula- 
tions, that you may say with David, Though my father & 
mother should forsake me, yet y e Lord would take me up. 

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, 
&c, but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand 
to doe ; we have comitted them to y e charge & custody of M r . 
Allerton and M r . Win slow, as our factours, at whose discretion 
they are to be sould, and comodities to be taken for them, as is 
fitting. And by how much y e more they will be chargable unto 
you, the better * they had need to be husbanded, &c. Goe on, 

* Bet- in MS. — Ed. 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 201 

good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your 
selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all 
displeasure and threats of men, yet y e work may goe on you are 
aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for y e glorie 
of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man 
may with more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then live y e 
life of Mathusala, in wasting y e plentie of a tilled land, or eating 
y e fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to you 
all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves, 
this 18. of Des : 1624. 

Your assured freinds to our powers, 

J. S. W. C. T. R E. H. &c * 

By this leter it appears in what state y e affairs of y e 
plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, 
but they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in y e hun- 
dred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward bound ; 
and because of y e vnture of y e paiment homeward, they 
would have 30.*|* in y e 100. more, which was in all 70. p r . 
cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too 
great an oppression upon y e poore people, as their case 
stood. The catle were y e best goods, for y e other being 
ventured ware, were neither at y e best (some of them) nor 
at y e best prises. Sundrie of their freinds disliked these 
high rates, but coming from many hands, they could not 
help if. 

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne 
acounte ; the one was y e pinass that was cast away y e last 

* "James Sherley (sick), William to the plantation to begin a stock for the 

Collier, Thomas Fletcher, Robert Hoi- poor." Cushman concludes by entreat- 

land. This letter was wrote with Mr. ing the Governor "to have a care of 

Cushman's hand ; and it is likely was my son as of your own " ; alluding here 

penned by him at the others' request." to his son Thomas, who came over with 

Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist, him in the Fortune, and was left behind 

Coll., III. 34. in the colony, being then fourteen years 

Governor Bradford received a letter of age. He also expresses the hope 

from Mr. Cushman at the same time, to come to them by the next ships. See 

dated December 22d, in which he speaks further under the year 1626; Brad- 

of Mr. Sherley as lying at the point of ford's Letter-Book; Cushman Geneal- 

death, and of the loss which the colony ogy, p. 89. — Ed. 

will sustain "if God should take him f If I mistake not, it was not much 

now away. . . He hath sent you a less. [30 11 . in the manuscript. — Ed.] 
cheese, &c. ; also he hath sent an heifer 

26 



202 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

year hear in y 6 cuntrie, and recovered by y e planters, (as 
was before related,) who, after she came home, was at- 
tached by one of y e company for his perticuler debte, and 
now sent againe on this accounted The other was a great 
ship, who was well fitted with an experienced m r . & com- 
pany of fisher-men, to make a viage, & to goe to Bilbo or 
Sabastians with her fish ; the lesser, her order was to load 
with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for England, 
y l should be received for y e goods sould to y e plantation. 
This bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the 
which, if they had gone to a market w th , would have yeeld- 
ed them (as such fish was sould y l season) 1800 H . which 
would have enriched them, But because ther was a 
bruite of warr with France, y e m r . neglected (through tim- 
erousnes) his order, and put first into Plimoth, & after 
into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came 
by the loss. The lesser ship had as ill success, though 
she was as hopfull as y e other for y e marchants profite ; 
for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish taken upon y e 
banke, as full as she could swime; and besids she had 
some 800 H . weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good 
value from y e plantation. The m r . seeing so much goods 
come, put it abord y e biger ship, for more saftie ; but M r . 
Winslow (their factor in this busines) was bound in a 
bond of 500 H . to send it to London in y e smale ship ; ther 
was some contending between y e m r . & him aboute it. 
But he tould y e m r . he would follow his order aboute it ; 
if he would take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. 
So it went in y e smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in 
both. The m r . was so carfull being both so well laden, 
as they went joyfully home togeather, for he towed y e leser 



* The Little James, it appears, was of his misfortunes. Bradford says, " She 

sent over at this time by Thomas Fletch- and the beaver in her, which was sent 

er, one of the adventurers, who sus- for the goods we bought the other year, 

tained a great loss by her. In Bradford's being for the most part his, and was 

Letter-Book is a letter from him, dated taken by the Turks, to his utter un- 

November 25, 1625, in which he speaks doing. " — Ed. 



1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 203 

ship at his sterne all y e way over bound, and they had 
such fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were 
shott deep in to y e English Chanell, almost within y e sight 
of Plimoth; and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a 
Turks man of warr, and carried into Saly, # wher y e m r . 
and men were made slaves, and many of y e beaver skins 
were sould for 4 d - a peece. [138] Thus was all their hops 
dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned 
to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of God for 
their too great exaction of y e poore plantation, but Gods 
judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be bould ther- 
with ; but however it shows us y e uncertainty of all hu- 
mane things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in 
them or trusting to them. 

In y° bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Stan- 
dish from y e plantation, w th leters & instructions, both to 
their freinds of y e company which still clave to them, and 
also to y e Honourable Counsell of New-England. To y e 
company to desire y l seeing that they ment only to let 
them have goods upon sale, that they might have them 
upon easier termes, for they should never be able to bear 
such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent ; also that 
what they would doe in y l way that it might be disburst 
in money, or such goods as were fltte and needfull for 
them, & bought at best hand ; and to aquainte them with 
y e contents of his leters to y e Counsell f above said, which 
was to this purpose, to desire their favour & help ; that 
such of y e adventurers as had thus forsaken & deserted 
them, might be brought to some order, and not to keepe 
them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might 
either stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some 
faire end, by dividente, or composition. But he came in a 
very bad time, for y e Stat was full of trouble, and y e plague 

* Sallee. — Ed. one to Cushman, dated June 9th, and 

f This letter to the Council, which sent at the same time, are preserved in 
bears date June 28 of this year, and also Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. 



204 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

very hote in London, so as no bussines could be done ; yet 
he spake with some of y e Honourd Counsell, who prom- 
ised all helpfullnes to y e plantation which lay in them. 
And sundrie of their freinds y e adventurers were so weak- 
ened with their losses y" last year, by y e losse of y e ship 
taken by y e Turks, and y e loss of their fish, w ch by reason 
of y e warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, and 
so came to litle ; so as, though their wills were good, yet 
they" power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds 
weekly of y e plague, as all trade was dead, and litle 
money stirring. Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150 H . 
(& spent a good deal of it in expences) at 50. per cent, 
which he bestowed in trading goods & such other most 
needfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use ; and 
so returned passenger in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared 
a good way for y e compossition that was afterward made. 

In y e mean time it pleased y e Lord to give y e plantation 
peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese 
ther labours, as they had come sufficient, (and some to 
spare to others,) with other foode ; neither ever had they 
any supply of foode but what they first brought with 
them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats 
load of corne 40. or 50. leagues to y e eastward, up a river 
called Kenibeck ; it being one of those 2. shalops which 
their carpenter had built them y e year before ; for bigger 
vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over 
her midships to keepe y e corne drie, but y e men were faine 
to stand it out all weathers without shelter ; and y l time 
[139] of y e year begins to growe tempestious. But God 
preserved them, and gave them good success, for they 
brought home 700 H . of beaver, besids some other furrs, 
having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them 
selves had raised out of y e earth. This viage was made 
by M r . Winslow & some of y e old standards,* for seamen 
they had none. 

* First written as in the text, then altered to standerss. — Ed. 



1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 205 



Anno Dom: 1626. 

About y e begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Stan- 
dish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and 
y e things he had brought. Welcome he was, but y e news 
he broughte was sadd in many regards ; not only in re- 
garde of the former losses, before related, which their 
freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were un- 
don, others much disabled from doing any further help, 
and some dead of y e plague, but also y 1 M r . Robinson, 
their pastor, was dead, which struck them with much sor- 
row & sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adver- 
saries had been long & continually plotting how they 
might hinder his coming hither, but y e Lord had appoint- 
ed him a better place; concerning whose death & the 
maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to y e 
Gov r & M r . Brewster. 

Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will ever 
come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done ; 
yet in regard of y e Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a 
great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a 
parte with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows, as we doe w th you. 
These are therfore to give you to understand, that it hath pleased 
the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving 
& faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reve d brother, M r . John Rob- 
inson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on 
Saturday in y e morning, yet y e next day (being the Lords day) 
he taught us twise. And so y e weeke after grew weaker, every 
day more then other ; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all y e 
time of his sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans 
judgmente, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no 
paine, and sensible to y e very last. He fell sicke y e 22. of Feb : 
and departed this life y e 1. of March.* He had a continuall 

* These dates, and that of this letter moirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden, it ap- 

from Leyden, are probably expressed pears that Robinson was buried three 

in New Style, which generally prevailed days after his death, on March 4th, 

at that time on the Continent, but which under the pavement of the aisle of the 

England was slow in adopting. From Peter's church. See 3 Mass. Hist. 

Mr. George Sumner's interesting Me- Coll., IX. 50, 71. — Ed. 



206 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

inwarde ague, but free from infection, so y l all his freinds came 
freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would 
have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having 
faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which 
y e Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with 
y e Lord in eternall hapines. We wanting him & all Church 
Gov rs , yet we still (by y e mercie of God) continue & hould close 
togeather, in peace and quietnes ; and so hope we shall doe, 
though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were y e will of 
God) that you & we were againe united togeather in one, either 
ther or here ; but seeing it is y e will of y e Lord thus to dispose 
of things, we must labour w th patience to rest contented, till it 
please y e Lord otherwise to dispose. For [140] news, is here 
not much ; only as in England we have lost our old king James, 
who departed this life aboute a month agoe,* so here they have 
lost y e old prince, Grave Mourise ; f who both departed this life 
since my brother Robinson. And as in England we have a 
new-king Charls, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have 
made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c. Thus 
with my love remembred, I take leave & rest, 

Your assured loving freind, 

Roger White. 
Leyden, Aprill 28. 
An : 1625. 

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this 
world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference. 

He further brought them notice of y e death of their 
anciente freind, M r . Cush-man,f whom y e Lord tooke away 

* March 27th. — Ed. at Plymouth during Cushman's brief 
| Who died five days before this visit there in 1621, of which, writes 
letter was written. — Ed. Judge Davis, in 1785, " unquestionable 
J All that is known of Robert Cush- tradition renders certain that he was the 
man may be found in this History, if author, and even transmits to us a 
we except some writings attributed to knowledge of the spot where it was de- 
him elsewhere, which incidentally may livered." The original is a small quarto 
throw light upon his character. At the of nineteen pages, besides six pages of 
end of Mourt's Relation is a paper The Epistle Dedicatory. The following 
which bears his initials, entitled " Rea- transcript of the title-page is taken from 
sons and Considerations touching the a copy of the first edition, in the posses- 
Lawfulness of removing out of England sion of Mr. Edward A. Crowninshield 
into the Parts of America." Reference of Boston, probably the only one in the 
has already been made, on page 55, for country. "A Sermon Preached at 
another purpose, to the sermon preached Plimmoth in New-England December 9. 



1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 207 

allso this year, & aboute this time, who was as their right 
hand with their freinds y e adventurers, and for diverce 
years had done & agitated all their bussines with them 
to ther great advantage. He had write to y e Gove r but 
some few months before,* of y e sore sicknes of M r . James 
Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to y e plantation, and lay 
at y e pointe of death, declaring his love & helpfullnes, in 
all things ; and much bemoned the loss they should have 
of him, if God should now take him away, as being y e 
stay & life of y e whole bussines. As allso his owne pur- 
poss this year to come over, and spend his days with 
them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew 
not y l his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a 
mas ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands 
who hath y e issues of life and death. Man may purpose, 
but God doth dispose. 

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to 
them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss ; j- and though 
their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no 
probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but con- 
cluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and 
many, being aged, begane to drop away by death. 

All which things (before related) being well weighed 

1621. In an assemblie of his Majesties It was the purpose of the discourse to 

faithfull Subiects, there inhabiting, exhort the planters to be faithful to 

Wherein is shewed the danger of selfe- their engagement with the adventurers, 

loue, and the sweetnesse of true Friend- in the trying system of community 

ship. Together with a preface shewing which had been adopted. As has been 

the state of the Country, and condition seen, Cushman came over in the For- 

of the Savages. Rom. 12. 10. Be tune, and immediately returned in her 

affeciioned to loue one another with to London, " for so Mr. Weston and 

brotherly loue. Written in the yeare the rest," writes Governor Bradford, 

1621. London Printed by I. D. for "had appointed him, for their better 

Iohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at information" ; though from the com- 

his shop at the two Grey-hounds in mencement of Weston's letter, on page 

Corne-hill, neere the Royall Exchange, 114, it would be inferred that he did not 

1622." It is dedicated " To His Lov- expect Mr. Cushman's return in this 

ing Friends, The Adventurers for New- ship. See pages 105, 108, 114,201. For 

England ; Together with all well-will- an ample account of his descendants, 

ers and well-wishers thereunto. Grace see "Cushman Genealogy." — Ed. 
4- Peace, &c." ; and is dated " Plim- * Under date December 22d, 1624. 

moth in New-England, December 12. Seep. 201. — Ed. 
1621." The text is from 1 Cor. 10. 24. f See Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. 



208 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great 
perplexitie ; and to looke humanly on y e state of things as 
they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it 
did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But 
they gathered up their spirits, and y e Lord so helped 
them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they 
were at lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being 
striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he 
brought things aboute other wise, in his devine provi- 
dence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but 
their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others ; 
as by y e sequell will more appeare, if y e Lord spare me 
life & time to declare y e same. 

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to in- 
tend, but only their trading & planting, they sett them 
selves to follow the same with y e best industrie they could. 
The planters finding their corne, what they could spare 
from ther necessities, to be a comoditie, (for they sould it 
at 6 s a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting y e same. 
And y e Gove r and such as were designed to manage the 
trade, (for it was retained for y e generall good, [141] and 
none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the 
best advantage they could ; and wanting trading goods, 
they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, 
& belonged to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake 
up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould ; the 
Gove r and M r . Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and 
went thither. But M r . David Thomson, who lived at Pas- 
cataway,t understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie 

* Note. probably in reference to this a number 

f From the petition of his son, it of curious depositions were made, which 

appears that " in and about " this year furnish a good illustration of the hazard 

Thompson took possession of the island of relying too implicitly upon statements 

in Massachusetts Bay bearing his name, made by ancient people, wholly from 

and there erected a habitation. About memory, concerning events which trans- 

the year 1650, a controversy existed pired many years before, and of making 

between the inhabitants of Dorchester them the basis of definite historical con- 

and John Thompson, the son of David, elusions. These depositions are printed 

respecting Thompson's Island; and in the New England Historical and Gen- 






1626.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



209 



to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them 
both ; for the} 7 , perceiveing their joynte desires to buy, 
held their goods at higher rates ; and not only so, but 
would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte 
they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one 
an other, they agreed to buy all, & devid them equally 
between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, 
which they distributed at home as they saw neede & occa- 
sion, and tooke corne for them of y e people, which gave 
them good content. Their moyety of y e goods came to 



ealogical Register. The Sagamore of 
Aggawam deposes, " that in the year 
1619, or thereabouts, as I remember, I 
went in my own person with Mr. David 
Thompson, and that he took possession 
of the island before Dorchester," &c. 
William Trevore testifies that Thomp- 
son's Island is the same with that for- 
merly called " Island of Trevore, which 
island I, the said Trevore, took posses- 
sion of in 1619, and declared the same 
unto Mr. David Thompson of London," 
who thereupon obtained a patent of it. 
Miles Standish deposes, that "in the 
year 1620 I came into this country, and, 
I take it, the same year, I was in the 
Massachusetts Bay with William Tre- 
vore," and then, being upon the said isl- 
and, called it " Island Trevore." It is 
difficult to see what precise point is at- 
tempted to be proved by these declara- 
tions, aside from the obvious one of the 
priority of Thompson's claim to that of 
Massachusetts ; but it will at once be 
seen that they are inconsistent with each 
other. The application of a few ad- 
ditional facts to these depositions will 
show how little they are to be relied 
upon as definite historical data. Wil- 
liam Trevore came over with his fellow- 
deponent, Standish, in the Mayflower; 
and it is well known that the first visit 
which the Plymouth people made to 
Boston harbor was in September of the 
next year, 1621. Standish was one of 
the ten in that expedition, and Trevore 
may have been of the number. This is 
the earliest period at which these two 
could have been together at Thompson's 
Island, being two years after the time 
when the latter, as he states, took pos- 

27 



session. Trevore went back to Eng- 
land after having been a year in the 
country ; probably returning in the For- 
tune, which did not arrive at London 
till the middle of February of the next 
year. He may then have communicated 
with Mr. Thompson, as he states above. 
This shows the value to be placed upon 
the testimony of the Sagamore, who de- 
clares that Thompson took possession 
himself in 1619; though he adds the 
important qualification, as to time, of 
"thereabouts." It is possible that 
Thompson may have had a grant of the 
island which bears his name for some 
time previous to his occupancy of it, and 
before he came over in the early part of 
the year 1623. From the Rev. Mr. 
Felt's Memoranda from the State Paper 
Office, previously referred to, being ex- 
tracts from what is supposed to be the 
Records of the Council for New Eng- 
land, is the following: "November 
16th, 1622. Mr. Thompson's patent 
signed. December 3d. Mr. Thompson 
proposes to transport ten persons. ' ' We 
have nothing further to show the iden- 
tity of this Mr. Thompson with our 
David, or to indicate the location of this 
patent. It appears from this History, 
on page 122, that Trevore, on his return 
to England, communicated freely to 
others " what he knew or imagined " 
of different parts of the country here. 
He is probably the same person we find 
in Winthrop, I. 100. See page 154 ; 
Records of Mass. Colony, III. 202, 203, 
217 ; New England Hist, and Geneal. 
Reg., IX. 248 ; Mourt, in Young, pp. 
224-229; List of Passengers in the 
Mayflower, in Appendix, No. I. — Ed. 



210 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

above 40 H . sterling. Ther was allso that spring a French 
ship cast away at Sacadahock, in w ch were many Biscaie 
ruggs & other comodities, which were falen into these 
mens hands, & some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, 
which were allso bought in partnership, and made their 
parte arise to above 500 H . This they made shift to pay 
for, for y e most part, with y e beaver & comodities they had 
gott y e winter before, & what they had gathered up y l 
somer. M r . Thomson having some thing overcharged him 
selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they re- 
fused except he would let them have his French goods 
only ; and y e marchant (who was one of Bristol) would 
take their bill for to be paid y e next year. They were 
both willing, so they became ingaged for them & tooke 
them. By which means they became very well furnished 
for trade ; and tooke of therby some other ingagments 
w ch lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine 
Standish, and y e remains of former debts. With these 
goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store 
of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements 
against y e time, & to get some cloathing for y e people, 
and had some comodities before hand. But now they 
begane to be envied, and others wente and fild y e Indeans 
with corne, and beat downe y e prise, giveing them twise 
as much as they had done, and under traded them in 
other comodities allso. 

This year they sent M r . Allerton into England, and 
gave him order to make a composition with y e adventur- 
ers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some 
way had ben made y e year before by Captaine Standish) ; 
but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they 
knew y e termes, and had well considered of them ; but to 
drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr y e con- 
clusion to them. Also they gave him a coihission* under 

* Bearing date July 2, 1626. Mr. sterling, for the space of two years " 
Allerton was authorized to negotiate Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. 
for a loan of " one hundred pounds 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 211 

their hands & seals to take up some money, provided it 
exeeded not such a sume specified, for which they engaged 
them selves, and gave him order how to lay out y e same 
for y e use of y e plantation. 

And finding they rahe a great hazard to goe so long 
viages in a smale open boat, espetialy y e winter season, 
they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pin ass ; 
as for y e reason afforesaid, so also because others had 
raised y e prise with y e Indeans above y e halfe of what they 
had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not 
[143*] carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. 
They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew 
how to get one at presente; but they having an ingenious 
man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought 
with y e ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their 
boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a 
triall that way of his skill ; and tooke one of y e bigest of 
ther shalops and sawed her in y e midle, and so lenthened 
her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers, 
and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her ; and so made 
her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt & com- 
fortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years 
after ; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles 
& anchors, y e insuing year. And thus passed y e affairs 
of this year. 

Anno Dom\ 1627. 

At y e usuall season of y e coming of ships M r . Allerton 
returned, and brought some usfull goods with him, ac- 
cording to y e order given him. For upon his commission 
he tooke up 200 H . which he now gott at 30. per cent. The 
which goods they gott safly home, and well conditioned, 
which was much to the comfort & contente of y e planta- 

* Here occurs another error in the paging of the original ; 142 is omitted. 

— Ed. 



212 HISTORY or [book II. 

tion. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe 
and no small trouble, he had made a composition with y e 
adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their faithfull freinds 
ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The 
agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a 
list of ther names ther too annexed, drawne by the best 
counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The 
heads wherof I shall here inserte. 

To all Christian people, greeting, &c. Wheras at a meeting 
y e 26. of October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose 
names to y e one part of these presents are subscribed in a sched- 
ule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New- 
England in America, were contented and agreed, in considera- 
tion of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred pounds 
sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to sell, and 
make sale of all & every y e stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, 
and chatles, what soever, to y e said adventurers, and other ther 
fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, 
or belonging to y e generalise of y e said adventurers aforesaid ; 
as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchan- 
dise, at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them, or 
other wise howsoever ; for y e better expression and setting forth 
of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscrib- 
ing, doe for [144] them selves severally, and as much as in them 
is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all & every y e said 
shares, goods, lands, marchandice, and chatles to them belong- 
ing as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of y e planters resi- 
dent at Plimoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for 
y e rest of y e planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth 
afforesaid as y e said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther 
arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or 
partake in y e premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, am- 
ple, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, 
as y e said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or 
performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, &c. to the said adven : 
in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the 
said adven : doe warrant & defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, 
his heirs and assignes, against them, their heirs and assignes, 
by these presents. And therfore y e said Isaack Allerton doth, 



1627.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



213 



for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant, promise, & grant too & 
with y e adven: whose names are here unto subscribed, ther 
heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto y e 
said adven : or 5. of them which were, at y l meeting afforsaid, 
nominated & deputed, viz. John Pocock, John Beachamp, Robart 
Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, marchants, their heirs, 
&c. too and for y e use of y e generallitie of them, the sume of 
1800 H . of lawfull money of England, at y e place appoynted for 
y e receipts of money, on the west side of y e Royall Exchaing in 
London, by 200 K . yearly, and every year, on y e feast of St. 
Migchell, the first paiment to be made An : 1628. &c. Allso 
y e said Isaack is to indeavor to procure & obtaine from y e plant- 
ers of N. P. aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writ- 
ings obligatory, to make paiment of y e said sume of 1800 H . in 
forme afforsaid, according to y e true meaning of these presents. 
In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining 
with y e said Isaack Allerton, y e said subscribing adven : have 
sett to their names,* &c. And to y e other part remaining with 
y e said adven : the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his 
name, y e 15. Nov br . An : 1626. in y e 2. year of his Majesties raigne. 

This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved by 
all y e plantation, and consented unto ; though they knew 



* Below are the names of the adven- 
turers subscribed to this paper, taken 
from Bradford's Letter-Book, 1 Mass. 
Hist. Coll., III. 48 ; being forty-two in 
number. The names of six of these 
persons are found subsequently among 
the members of the Massachusetts Com- 
pany, viz. John White, John Pocock, 
Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John 
Revell, and Thomas Andrews. Mr. 
Haven, who edited the Records of the 
Massachusetts Company, is of opinion 
that the first person on the list is the 
celebrated clergyman of Dorchester, the 
reputed author of the Planter's Plea. 
Emnu. Alltham is probably the same 
person named in the Council Rec- 
ords, under date January 21, 1622-3 : 
" Emanuel Altum to command the 
Pinnace built for Mr. Peirce's Planta- 
tion." Smith speaks of " Captaine 
Altom " as commanding this vessell, 
but Morton says the name of the master 
of the Little James was Mr. Bridges, 
who it appears was drowned at Dama- 
riscove, in March, 1624. See Coll. of 



the Amer. Antiq. Soc, III. 26, 62, 
Preface ; Felt's MS. Memoranda from 
the Council Records ; Smith's Generall 
Historie, p. 239 ; Morton's Memorial, 
p. 48. 



John White, 
John Pocock, 
Robert Kean, 
Edward Bass, 
William Hobson, 
William Penington, 
William Quarles, 
Daniel Poynton, 
Richard Andrews, 
Newman Rookes, 
Henry Browning, 
Richard Wright, 
John Ling, 
Thomas Goffe, 
Samuel Sharpe, 
Robert Holland, 
James Sherley, 
Thomas Mott, 
Thomas Fletcher, 
Timothy Hatherly, 
Thomas Brewer, 



John Thorned, 
Myles Knowles, 
William Collier, 
John Revell, 
Peter Gudburn, 
Emnu. Alltham, 
John Beauchamp, 
Thomas Hudson, 
Thomas Andrews, 
Thomas Ward, 
Eria. Newbald, 
Thomas Heath, 
Joseph Tilden, 
William Perrin, 
Eliza Knight, 
Thomas Coventry, 
Robert Allden, 
Lawrence Anthony, 
John Knight, 
Matthew Thornhill, 
Thomas Millsop. 

— Ed. 



214 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

not well how to raise y e payment, and discharge their 
other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants of y e 
plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to 
take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they 
undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of y e cheefe of y e place became 
joyntly bound for y e paimente of this 18Q0 H . (in y e behalfe 
of y e rest) at y e severall days. In which they rane a 
great adventure, as their present state stood, having many 
other heavie burthens allready upon them, and all things 
in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So y e next 
returne it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and y e 
bargen fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things 
put into better forme, by y e advice of y e learnedest counsell 
they could gett ; and least any forfeiture should fall on y e 
whole for none paimente at any of y e days, it rane thus : 
to forfite 30 s - a weeke if they missed y e time ; and was 
concluded under their hands & seals, as may be seen at 
large by y e deed it selfe.* 

[145] Now though they had some untowarde persons 
mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of 
England, and more afterwards by some of y e adventurers, 
as freindship or other affections led them,— though sun- 
drie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other 
places, — yet diverse were still mingled amongst them, 
about whom y e Gove r & counsell with other of their cheefe 
freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in 
regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte 
of y e distribution of things both for y e presente and future. 
For y e present, excepte peace and union were preserved, 
they should be able to doe nothing, but indanger to over 
throw all, now that other tyes & bonds were taken away. 
Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all 
amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single 
yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and able to 
governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their af- 

* Which is not here inserted. — Ed. 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 215 

fairs, so as to be helpfull in y e comone-welth,) into this 
partnership or purchass. First, y ey considered that they 
had need of men & strength both for defence and carrying 
on of bussinesses. 2 ,y , most of them had borne ther parts 
in former miseries & wants with them, and therfore (in 
some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if 
y e Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not 
how peace would be preserved without so doing, but dan- 
ger & great disturbance might grow to their great hurte 
& prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such 
a mean in distribution of lands, and other courses, as 
should not hinder their growth in others coming to them. 
So they caled y e company togeather, and conferred with 
them, and came to this conclusion, that y e trade should be 
managed as before, to help to pay the debts ; and all such 
persons as were above named should be reputed and in- 
rouled for purchasers ; single free men to have a single 
share, and every father of a familie to be alowed to pur- 
chass so many shares as he had persons in his family ; 
that is to say, one for him selfe, and one for his wife, and 
for every child that he had living with him, one. As for 
servants, they had none, but what either their maisters 
should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should 
obtaine from y e company afterwards. Thus all were to 
be cast into single shares according to the order above- 
said ; and so every one was to pay his part according to 
his proportion towards y e purchass, & all other debts, 
what y e profite of y e trade would not reach too ; viz. a 
single man for a single share, a maister of a famalie for so 
many as he had. This gave all good contente. And first 
accordingly the few catle which they had were devided,* 
which arose to this proportion ; a cowe to 6. persons or 
shars, & 2. goats to y e same, which were first equalised 

* This division of cattle, concluded The rule for division there indicated ap- 

upon at a public court held May 22d of pears to be, one cow and two goats to 

this year, may be seen in Davis's thirteen persons. — Ed. 
edition of the Memorial, pp. 381-386. 



216 HISTORY OF [ 



BOOK II. 



for age & goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons 
consorting with others, as they thought good, & smaler 
familys likwise ; and swine though more [146] in number, 
yet by y e same rule. Then they agreed that every person 
or share should have 20. acres of land devided unto them, 
besids y e single acres they had allready ; * and they ap- 
poynted were to begin first on y e one side of y e towne, & 
how farr to goe ; and then on y e other side in like maner ; 
and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by 
name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed 
by ; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable 
land, at least such of it as should butt on y e water side, 
(as y e most they were to lay out did,) and pass by y e rest 
as refuse and comune ; and what they judged fitte should 
be so taken. And they were first to agree of y e goodnes 
& fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might 
as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans ; and 
this course they were to hould throwout. But yet seeke- 
ing to keepe y e people togither, as much as might be, they 
allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before 
any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall 
next y e towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they should 
take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best liked ; 
and should suffer them to plant corne with them for 4. 
years ; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs 
for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. 
acers was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by y e water 
side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks & corners, 
which were to be measured as y ey would bear to best ad- 
vantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor 
were not of many years after, because they were but 
streight of meadow grounds ; and if they had bene now 
given out, it would have hindred all addition to them 
afterwards ; but every season all were appoynted wher 

# This division of lands was agreed upon at a Court held January 3d, 1627-8. 
See Hazard, I. 180, 181. — Ed." 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 217 

they should mowe, according to y e proportion of catle 
they had. This distribution gave generally good contente, 
and setled mens minds. Also they gave y e Gove r & 4. or 
5. of y e spetiall men amongst them, y e houses they lived 
in ; y e rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate, 
and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better 
alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as y e valua- 
tion wente. 

Ther is one thing that fell out in y e begining of y e win- 
ter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may 
handle y e whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with 
many passengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for 
Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, either by y e 
insufficiencie of y e maister, or his ilnes ; for he w T as sick 
& lame of y e scurvie, so that he could but lye in y e cabin 
dore, & give direction ; and it should seeme was badly 
assisted either w th mate or mariners ; or else y e fear and 
unrulines of y e passengers were such, as they made them 
stear a course betweene y e southwest & y e norwest, that 
they might fall with some land, what soever it was they 
cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had 
no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up 
all their emptie caske ; only one of y e company had a 
hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, 
so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or con- 
sumed with diseases, which made them rune this desper- 
ate course. But it plased God that though they came so 
neare y e shoulds of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran stumbling 
over them in y e night, they knew not how, they came right 
before a small blind harbore, that lyes aboute y e midle of 
Manamoyake Bay, to y 8 southward of Cap-Codd, with a 
small gale of wind ; and about highwater toucht upon a 
barr of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, y e sea 
being smcth ; so they laid out an anchore. But towards 
the eveing the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, 
as broake their cable, & beat them over the barr into y e 

28 



218 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

harbor, wrier they saved their lives & goods, though much 
were hurte with salt water ; for w th beating they had sprung 
y e but end of a planke or too, & beat out ther occome ; 
but they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within 
the harbor, close by a beach ; so at low water they gatt 
out their goods on drie shore, and dried those that were 
wette, and saved most of their things without any great 
loss ; neither was y e ship much hurt, but shee might be 
mended, and made servisable againe. But though they 
were not a litle glad that they had thus saved their lives, 
yet when they had a litle refreshed them selves, and be- 
gane to thinke on their condition, not knowing wher they 
were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be struck- 
en with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians 
come to them in canows, which made them stand upon 
their gard. But when they heard some of y e Indeans 
speake English unto them, they were not a litle revived, 
especially when they heard them demand if they were the 
Gove r of Plimoths men, or freinds ; and y 1 they would 
bring them to y e English houses, or carry their letters. 

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes ; 
and sente 2. men and a letter with them to y e Gove r , and 
did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, 
& occume, and spiks, w lh divers other necessaries for y e 
mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso 
they besought him to help them with some corne and sun- 
drie other things they wanted, to enable them to make 
their viage to Virginia ; and they should be much bound 
to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing they 
had, in any comodities they had abord. After y e Gov r 
was well informed by y e messengers of their condition, he 
caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be 
provided as they write for ; and because others were 
abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been 
fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, & allso carried 
some trading comodities, to buy them corne of y e Indeans. 



I 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 219 

It was no season of y e year to goe withoute y e Cape, but 
understanding wher y e ship lay, he went into y e bottom of 
y e bay, on y e inside, and put into a crick called Naumska- 
chett,* wher it is not much above 2. mile over [148] land 
to y e bay wher they were, wher he had y e Indeans ready 
to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were 
very glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, & 
other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much corne 
as they would have; and wheras some of their sea-men 
were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their 
returne to y e ship, and so left them well furnished and 
contented, being very thankfull for y e curtesies they re- 
ceaved. But after the Gove r thus left them, he went into 
some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with 
corne, which he traded, and so went home. But he had 
not been at home many days, but he had notice from 
them, that by the violence of a great storme, and y e bad 
morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put 
a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy 
unfitte to goe to sea.f And so their request was that they 
might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with 
them, till they could have means to convey them selves to 
Virginia ; and that they might have means to trasport 
their goods, and they would pay for y e same, or any thing 
els wher with y e plantation should releeve them. Consid- 
ering their distres, their requests were granted, and all 
helpfullnes done unto them ; their goods transported, and 
them selves & goods sheltered in their houses as well as 
they could. 

The cheefe amongst these people was one M r . Fells and 

* "In the northwest quarter of the f The beach where this ship was 

township, on Barnstable Bay, is Nam- stranded still bears the name of Old 

skeket Creek, which is three quarters Ship, and it is said that some portions 

of a mile long, and which, as far as it of the wreck were to be seen about sev- 

runs, is the dividing line between Or- enty years ago. See 1 Mass. Hist. 

leans and Harwich [now Brewster]." Coll., VIII. 144. — Ed. 
Description of Orleans, in 1 Mass. Hist. 
Coll., VIII. 188. — Ed. 



220 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

M r . Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, 
many of them being Irish. Some others ther were y l had 
a servante or 2. a peece ; but y e most were servants, and 
such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso 
had y e most goods. Affter they were hither come, and 
some thing setled, the maisters desired some ground to 
imploye ther servants upon ; seing it was like to be y e 
latter end of y e year before they could have passage for 
Virginia, and they had now y e winter before them ; they 
might clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they 
had tools, & necessaries for y e same) to help to bear their 
charge, and keep their servants in imployment ; and if 
they had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, 
they would sell it on y e ground. So they had ground 
appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some 
other of them raised a great deall of corne, which they 
sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other 
servants, had a maid servante which kept his house & did 
his houshold affairs, and by the intimation of some that 
belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his 
concubine ; and both of them were examined ther upon, 
but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their 
justification ; so with admonition they were dismiste. But 
afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small 
boat, & ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First 
he went to Cap- Anne, and after into y e bay of y e Massa- 
chussets, but could get no passage, and had like to have 
been cast away ; and was forst to come againe and sub- 
mite him selfe ; but they pact him away & those that be- 
longed unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all 
the rest as soone as could, being many untoward people 
amongst them ; though ther were allso some that caried 
them selves very orderly all y e time they stayed. And the 
plantation [149] had some benefite by them, in selling 
them corne & other provisions of food for cloathing ; for 
they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 221 

stuffs, besids hose, & shoes, and such like comodities as 
y e planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and 
received good one from another; and a cuple of barks 
caried them away at y e later end of somer. And sundrie 
of them have acknowledged their thankfullnes since from 
Virginia. 

That they might y e better take all convenient opportu- 
nitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, 
and to disingage them of those great sumes which they 
stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build 
a smale pinass at Manamet,* a place 20. mile from y e 
plantation, standing on y e sea to y e southward of them, 
unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could 
cary their goods, within 4. or 5. miles, and then trasport 
them over land to their vessell ; and so avoyd the compas- 
ing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so 
make any vioage to y e southward in much, shorter time, 
and with farr less danger. Also for y e saftie of their ves- 
sell & goods, they builte a house their, and kept some 
servants, who also planted corne, and reared some swine, 
and were allwayes ready to goe out with y e barke when 
ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and 
turned to their proflte. 

They now sent (with y e returne of y e ships) M r . Allerton 
againe into England, giveing him full power, under their 
hands & seals, to conclude the former bargaine with y e 
adventurers ; and sent ther bonds for y e paimente of the 
money. Allso they sent what beaver they could spare to 
pay some of their ingagementes, & to defray his chargs ; 
for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he 
had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in 
y e river of Kenebeck ; for being emulated both by the plant- 
ers at Pascataway & other places to y e eastward of them, 
and allso by y e fishing ships, which used to draw much 

* A part of Sandwich which lies on zard's Bay. See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., 
Manomet River, which runs into Buz- VIII. 252, 253. — Ed. 



222 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

profite from y e Indeans of those parts, they threatened to 
procure a grante, & shutte them out from thence ; espetial- 
ly after they saw them so well furnished with comodities, 
as to carie the trade from them. They thought it but 
needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they might 
not be excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had 
first begune and discovered the same, ad brought it to so 
good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and mes- 
sengers from y e Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from y e 
Gov 1 ' ther, writen both in Dutch & French. The Dutch 
had traded in these southerne parts, diverse years before 
they came ; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 
5. years after their coming, and here begining.* Ther 
letters were as followeth. It being their maner to be full 
of complementall titles. 

Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveer- 
neur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende ; onse seer 
Goede vrinden den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, 
wensen vwe Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck 
salichitt [gelukzaligheid ?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere ; met 
goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem. 
Amen.f 

The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the 
repetition of superfluous titles. 

[150] We have often before this wished for an opportunitie 
or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and 
praise-worthy undertakeings, and Goverment of your colony 
ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begin- 
ing to pitch y e foundation of a collonie hear ; and seeing our 
native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our forefathers 

* The first permanent agricultural " Noble, worshipful, wise, and pru- 

colonization of New Netherlands was dent Lords, the Governor and Council- 

in the spring of 1623. See Brodhead's lors residing in New Plymouth, our 

New York, p. 150. — Ed. very dear friends : — The Director and 

f The orthography of some of these Council of New Netherland wish to 

words differs from the modern way of your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and 

spelling them ; and we have no means of prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our 

ascertaining the accuracy of Bradford's Lord, with prosperity and health, in 

copy from the original letter. This soul and body." — Ed. 
passage may be rendered thus : — 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 223 

(diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and 
alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently appears by y c old 
contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed under y e hands of kings 
& princes, in y e pointe of warr & trafick ; as may be seene and 
read by all y e world in y e old chronakles. The which are not 
only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased 
his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new cove- 
nante, (and to take up armes,) with y e States Generall of our 
dear native country, against our comone enemie the Spaniards, 
who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Chris- 
tian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and pos- 
sess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom ; and so to 
rule and comand, after his owne pleasure, over y e consciences of 
so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid. 

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto 
us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr north- 
ward with their shalop, and met with sundry of y e Indeans, 
who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of 
your plantation, and offered ther service to cary letters unto you ; 
therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines, 
with presentation of our good will and servise unto you, in all 
frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that 
any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, 
may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to 
help and accornadate you ther with ; either for beaver or any 
other wares or marchandise that you should be pleased to deale 
for. And if in case we have no comodity at present that may 
give you contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, 
or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready 
money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, 
(whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) 
when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to 
deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In y e mean 
time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds 
and neigbours, into his holy protection. 

By the appointment of y e Gov r and Counsell, &c. 

Isaak de E/ASier, Secrectaris.* 
From y e Manhatas, in y e fort Amsterdam, 
March 9. An : 1627. 

* This letter may have been copied the language in which it was written, 
by Bradford into his Letter-Book, in but it is not preserved in the printed 



224 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

To this they returned answer as followeth, on y e other 
side.* 

[151] To the Honoured, &c. 

The Gove r & Counsel! of New-Plim: wishetb, &c. We have 
received your leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & 
frendship towards us ; but is expresed w th over high tills, more 
then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your 
good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale 
beginings of our poore colonie, we are much bound unto you, 
and with many thanks doe acknowledg y e same ; taking it both 
for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney 
of your love and good neighbourhood. 

Now these are further to give your WorPP s to understand, 
that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not 
only bene pleased to confirme y l ancient amitie, aliance, and 
frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his 
predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) 
strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist y e 
prid of y l comone enemy y e Spaniard, from whose cruelty the 
Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch 
as this is sufflciente to unite us togeather in love and good 
neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further 
obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found 
in your countrie ; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, 
and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day ; 
for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thank- 
full to your Nation, and shall never forgett y e same, but shall 
hartily desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever. 

Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acoinodate and 
help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall 
come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us 
very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may 
have profitable comerce & trade togeather. But for this year we 
are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and 
other things ; but hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, 

volume. Bradford there remarks : I" I sequently made by him for this History, 

will not trouble myself to translate this The date of the letter is in New Style, 

letter, seeing the effect of it will be un- See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 51. — Ed. 

derstood by the answer which now fol- * This being the conclusion of page 

lows in English, though writ to them 150, in the original manuscript. — Ed. 
in Dutch." This translation was sub- 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 225 

if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to 
send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you 
will take beaver, by y e pounde, & otters, by y e skine ; and how 
you will deale per cent, for other comodities, and what you can 
furnishe us with. As likwise what other commodities from us 
may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other 
things, and what prises you will give, &c. 

Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude 
and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good 
parte, because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well express 
that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully 
as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie 
sake, that he will take both us and you into his keeping & 
gratious protection. 

By y e Gove r and Counsell of New-Plimoth, 

Your Wor p P s very good freinds & neigbours, &c* 

New-Plim : March 19. 

After this ther was many passages betweene them both 
by letters and other entercourse ; and they had some 
profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till other 
occasions interrupted y e same, as may happily appear after- 
wards, more at large. 

Before they sent M r . Allerton away for England this 
year, y e Gove r and some of their cheefe freinds had serious 
consideration, not only how they might discharge those 
great ingagments which lay so heavily upon them, as is 
affore mentioned, but also how they might (if possiblie 
they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and 
breethren of Leyden over unto them, who desired so much 
to come to them, ad they desired as much their company. 
To efFecte which, they resolved to rune a high course, and 

* There is one passage in the copy at our doors." There are, besides, some 

of this letter in Bradford's Letter-Book, slight verbal variations in the two copies 

which is here omitted. The Dutch are of this letter. 

therein cautioned against settling within Bradford took the precaution to ad- 

the limits of the territory granted to the vise the Council for New England, and 

Council for New England, and are de- also Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of these 

sired to " forbear to trade with the na- friendly overtures of the Dutch, trans- 

tives in this bay, and river of Narragan- mitting copies of the correspondence, 

sett and Sowams, which is, as it were, See Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. 

29 



226 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring 
it aboute. Which was to hire y e trade of y e company for 
certaine years, and in that time to undertake to pay that 
1800 H . and all y e rest of y e debts that then lay upon y e 
plantation, which was aboute some 600 H . more ; and so to 
set them free, and returne the trade to y e generalitie 
againe at y e end of y e terme. Upon which resolution they 
called y e company togeither, and made it clearly appear 
unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they 
would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett 
them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe 
secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their 
trusty freinds therwith ; which were glad of y e same, but 
doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after 
some agitation of the thing w lh y e company, it was yeelded 
unto, and the agreemente made upon y e conditions follow- 
ing. 

Articles of agreemente betweene y e collony of New-Plimoth of 
y e one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Stan- 
dish, Isaack Allerton, &c. one y e other partie ; and shuch 
others as they shall thinke good to take as partners and 
undertakers with them, concerning the trade for beaver & 
other furrs & comodities, &c. ; made July, 1627. 
First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte y e said parties, 
that y e afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, 
& Isaack Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe by these pres- 
ents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite y e said 
collony of all y e debtes both due for y e purchass, or any other 
belonging to them, at y e day of y e date of these presents. 

[153] Secondly, y e above-said parties are to have and freely 
injoye y e pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and y e shal- 
op, called y e Bass-boat, with all other implements to them be- 
longing, that is in y e store of y e said company ; with all y e 
whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wampampeak, hatchets, 
knives, &c. that is now in y e storre, or any way due unto y e 
same uppon accounte. 

3^. That y e above said parties have y e whole trade to them 
selves, their heires and assignes, with all y e privileges therof, as 



1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 227 

y e said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, 
to begine y e last of September next insuing. 

4 ly . In furder consideration of y e discharge of y e said debtes, 
every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to 
pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during y e 
full terme of y e said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or 6 H . of to- 
baco, at y e undertakers choyse. 

5 ly . The said undertakers shall dureing y e afToresaid terme 
bestow 50 H . per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over 
for y e collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6 s . per 
bushell. 

6 ly . That at y e end of y e said terme of 6. years s the whole 
trade shall returne to y e use and benefite of y e said collonie, as 
before. 

Lastly, if y e afToresaid undertakers, after they have aquainted 
their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon y e first 
returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge 
y e debtes of y e said collony, according to y e true meaning & in- 
tente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) 
to stand in full force ; otherwise all things to remaine as for- 
merly they were, and a true accounte to be given to y e said 
collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former 
order.* 

M r . Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with 
him into England, and amongst other his instructions had 
order given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, 
to joyne with them in this trade upon y e above recited 
conditions ; as allso to imparte their further ends that 
moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over 
of some of their freinds from Leyden, as they should be 
able ; in which if any of them would joyne with them 

* In Bradford's Letter-Book the them in the thing, as afterward they 

names of twenty-seven persons are did. 

given as subscribers to this agreement __.„. -„-,,., . 7l , /. T i 
nn^ no^nftU»J n mr William Bradford, And these of London : 

on the part ot the colony, n . G -.. , ' J 

" The names of the undertakers were T«???llpSnn James Sherley, 

these following, for the three before Xard Winsiow, John Beauchamp, 

mentioned made choice of these other, William Brewster -tticnard Andrews,^ 

and though they knew not their minds j hn Howland, ' Timoth y Hatherly. 

before, (many of them being absent,) yet John Allden, — Ed. 

they did presume they would join with Thomas Prince. 



228 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partner- 
ship herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them 
some grounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of 
these things with some advantage. 



Anno Dom: 1628. 

After M r . Allertons arivall in England,* he aquainted 
them with his comission and full power to conclude y e 
foremen tioned bargan & purchas ; j" [154] upon the veiw 
wherof, and y e delivery of y e bonds for y e paymente of y e 
money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully con- 
cluded, and a deede J fairly ingrossed in partchmente was 
delivered him, under their hands & seals confirming the 
same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things 
according to his instructions. As to admitt some of these 
their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and 
to deale with them for moneys at better rates, &c. Touch- 
ing which I shall hear inserte a letter of M r . Sherleys, 
giving light to what followed therof, writ to y e Gov* as 
folio weth.§ 

S r : || I have received yours of y e 26. of May by M r . Gibs, & 
M 1 . GofTe, with y e barrell of otter skins, according to y e contents ; 
for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould 
them togeather at 78 H . 12 s . sterling; and since, M r . Allerton hath 
received y e money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (as 
you write) that your ingagments are great, not only the pur- 
chass, but you are yet necessitated to take up y e stock you work 
upon ; and y l not at 6. or 8. £> r cent, as it is here let out, but at 

* In the summer or autumn of the (1628), and not to that of last year, 

last year. — Ed. from which he returned this spring. 

f That is, the purchase by the colony But as it naturally comes in at this 

of the interest of the adventurers. See place in the narrative, its true date may 

pages 212 - 214. — Ed. possibly be 1627. — Ed. 

X Nov. 6. 1627. Page 238. [Refer- || Addressed, "To his worthy and 

ence is here made to the page of the loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, 

original manuscript. — Ed.] Governor of Plymouth, in New Eng- 

§ If the date of this letter is correct, land, these." Bradford's Letter-Book, 

it must be referred to the time of Mr. — Ed. 
Allerton 's visit to London this year 



1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 229 

30. 40. yea, & some at 50. p r cent, which, were not your gaines 
great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then 
ordinarie, it could not be y l you should longe subsiste in y e main- 
taining of, & upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your 
honest & discreete agente, M r . Allerton, hath seriously considered, 
& deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you 
were contented to accepte of me & some few others, to joyne 
with you in y e purchass, as partners ; for which I kindly thanke 
you and all y e rest, and doe willingly accepte of it. And though 
absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as you & y e rest shall 
thinke meete ; and this year am contented to forbear my former 
50 H . and 2. years increase for y e venture, both which now makes 
it 80 li . without any bargaine or condition for y e profite, you (I 
mean y e generalitie) stand to y e adventure, outward, and home- 
ward. I have pers waded M r . Andrews and M r . Beachamp to 
doe y e like, so as you are eased of y e high rate, you were at y e 
other 2. yeares ; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow 
us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I 
rune, M r . Beachamp desireth to doe y e same ; and though he 
have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you 
shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you 
desire I should be your agente or factore hear. I have ever 
found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as I have even 
resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all y e 
good lyeth in my power ; and therfore if you please to make 
choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to per- 
forme your bussines, I promise (y e Lord enabling me) to doe y e 
best I can according to those abillities he hath given me ; and 
wherin I faile, blame your selves, y l you made no better choyce. 
Now, because I am sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised 
M r . Allerton to joyne M r . Beachamp with me in your deputa- 
tion, which I conceive to be very necessary & good for you ; 
your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me 
undertake your [156*] bussines. Thus comending you & yours, 
and all Gods people, unto y e guidance and protection of y e All- 
mightie, I ever rest, 

Your faithfull loving freind, 
London, Nov. 17. 1628. James Sherley.| 

* 155 omitted in original MS. — Ed. Lord hath been pleased to crosse our 

f Another leter of his, that should proseedings, and caused many disasters 

have bene placed before : — to befale us therin. I conceive y e only 

We cannot but take notice how y« reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed 



230 



HISTORY OF 



BOOK II. 



With this leter they sent a draught of a formall depu- 
tation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to 
authorise them as their agents, according to what is men- 
tioned in y e above said letter ; and because some incon- 
venience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it. 

To all to whom these prets shall come greeting ; know yee 
that we, William Bradford, Gov r of Plimoth, in N. E. in Amer- 



at other ends then Gods glorie ; but 
now I hope y 1 cause is taken away ; 
the bargen being fully concluded, as farr 
as our powers will reach, and confirmed 
under our hands & seals, to M r . Aller- 
ton & y e rest of his & your copartners. 
But for my owne parte, I confess as I 
was loath to hinder y e full confirming 
of it, being ye first propounder ther of 
at our meeting ; so on ye other side, I 
was as unwilling to set my hand to y e 
sale, being y e receiver of most part of 
y e adventurs, and a second causer of 
much of ye ingagments ; and one more 
threatened, being most envied & aimed 
at (if they could find any stepe to 
ground their malice on) then any other 
whosoever. I profess I know no just 
cause they ever had, or have, so to doe ; 
neither shall it ever be proved yt I have 
wronged them or any of y e adventurers, 
wittingly or willingly, one peny in y e 
disbursing of so many pounds in those 
2. years trouble. No, y e sole cause 
why they maligne me (as I & others 
conceived) was y l I would not side with 
them against you, & the going over of 
y e Leyden people. But as I then card 
not, so now I litle fear what they can 
doe ; yet charge & trouble I know they 
may cause me to be at. And for these 
reasons, I would gladly have perswaded 
the other 4. to have sealed to this bar- 
gaine, and left me out, but they would 
not ; so rather then it should faile, M r . 
Alerton having taken so much pains, 
I have sealed w th y e rest ; with this 
proviso & promise of his, y l if any 
trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe 
y e charge. Wherfore now I doubt not 
but you will give your generallitie good 
contente, and setle peace amongst your 
selves, and peace with the natives ; and 
then no doubt but y e God of Peace will 
blese your going out & your returning, 
and cause all y l you sett your hands 
unto to prosper ; the which I shall ever 
pray y e Lord to grante if it be his 



blessed will. Asuredly unless ye Lord 
be mercifull unto us & y e whole land in 
generall, our estate & condition is farr 
worse then yours. Wherfore if y e Lord 
should send persecution or trouble hear, 
(which is much to be feared,) and so 
should put into our minds to flye for 
refuge, I know no place safer then to 
come to you, (for all Europ is at vari- 
ence one with another, but cheefly wt-h 
us,) not doubting but to find such frend- 
ly entertainmente as shall be honest & 
conscionable, notwithstanding what hath 
latly passed. For I profess in y e word 
of an honest man, had it not been to 
procure your peace & quiet from some 
turbulent spirites hear, I would not have 
sealed to this last deed ; though you 
would have given me all my adventure 
and debte ready downe. Thus desiring 
y e Lord to blesse & prosper you, I cease 
ever resting, 

Your faithfull & loving freind, 
to my power, 

James Sherley. 
Des: 27. 

[The above letter was written on the 
reverse of page 154 of the original man- 
uscript. It is addressed to Governor 
Bradford, and may have been brought 
over by Allerton, on his return in the 
spring of 1627, after he had agreed with 
the adventurers for the purchase of all 
their interest in the partnership with the 
planters, to which the letter has refer- 
ence. By comparing this copy of the 
letter with that preserved in Bradford's 
Letter-Book, it will be seen that the 
author has omitted a few passages and 
abbreviated others, which is the case 
with other letters here cited, and some- 
times to a much greater extent. It 
there bears date 1627 ; but is not its 
true date 1626 ? Sherley acknowledges 
at the commencement "your letter of 
the 14th June last, by your and my lov- 
ing friend, Mr. Allerton." — Ed.] 



1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 231 

ica, Isaak Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, & Ed: 
Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents 
for us & in our names, make, substitute, & appointe James 
Sherley, Goldsmith, & John Beachamp, Salter, citizens of Lon- 
don, our true & lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, & assignes; 
as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, & marchan- 
dise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or 
to y e citie of London, or other place of y e Relme of Engl: shall 
be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to 
vend, sell, barter, or'exchaing y e said goods, wares, and mar- 
chandise so from time to time to be sente to such person or 
persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said 
agents & factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall 
seeme meete. And further we doe make & ordaine our said 
substituts & assignes joyntly & severally for us, & to our uses, 
& accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New-Engl: 
aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and 
to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, 
shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for 
us & in our names all such debtes & sumes of money, as now 
are or hereafter shall be due incidente accruing or belonging to 
us, or any of us, by any wayes or means ; and to acquite, dis- 
charge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which 
now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or per- 
sons to us, or any of us. And generally for us & in our names 
to doe, performe, and execute every acte & thing which to our 
said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in 
or aboute y e premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & 
purposes, as if we or any of us were in person presente. And 
whatsoever our said agents & factors joyntly or severally shall 
doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute y e premisses, we will & 
doe, & every of us doth ratife, alow, & confirme, by these pres- 
ents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands & 
seals. Dated 18. Nov br 1628* 

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, 
and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands & 
seals, and delivered unto them. Also M r . Allerton for- 
merly had authoritie under their hands & seals for y e trans- 
acting of y e former bussines, and taking up of moneys,*)* &c. 

* 1627?— Ed. f See page 210, — Ed. 



232 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these 
affaires ; they mistrusting neither him nor any of their 
freinds faithfullnes, which made them more remisse in 
looking to shuch acts as had passed under their hands, as 
necessarie for y e time ; but letting them rune on to long 
unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards, 
as will appere in its place. 

[157] M r . Allerton having setled all things thus in a 
good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in y e first 
of y e spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for y e 
fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in win- 
ter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply 
of goods for y e plantation, and without those great inter- 
ests as before is noted; and brought an accounte of y e 
beaver sould, and how y e money was disposed for goods, 
& y e paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts 
abroad to others, save to M r . Sherley, M r . Beachamp, & 
M r . Andrews ; from whom likwise he brought an accounte 
which to them all amounted not to above 400 H . for which 
he had passed bonds. Allso he had payed the first pay- 
mente for y e purchass, being due for this year, viz. 2Q0 K . 
and brought them y 8 bonde for y e same canselled ; so as 
they now had no more foreine debtes but y e abovesaid 
400* 1 . and odde pownds, and y e rest of y e yearly purchass 
monie. Some other debtes they had in y e cuntrie, but 
they were without any intrest, & they had wherwith to 
discharge them when they were due. To this pass the 
Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them 
further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, & some 
others that would joyne with them in y e trad & purchass, 
did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente 
number of them, to be hear the next year without fayle, 
if y e Lord pleased to blesse their journey. He allso 
brought them a patente for Kenebeck, but it was so straite 
& ill bounded, as they were faine to renew & inlarge it 
the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to 



1628.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



2M 



their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo M r . 
Allerton did them good and faithfull service; and well 
had it been if he had so continued, or els they had now 
ceased for imploying him any longer thus into England. 
But of this more afterwards. 

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kene- 
beck, they now erected a house up above in y e river in 
y e most convenientest place * for trade, as they conceived, 
arid furnished the same with comodities for y l end, both 
winter & somer, not only with corne, but also with such 
other commodities as y e fishermen had traded with them, 
as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, 
&c. ; and what they could not have out of England, they 
bought of the fishing ships, and so carried on their bussi- 
nes as well as they could. 

This yearf the Dutch sent againe unto them from their 
plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comodities, 



* At a place called Cushenoc or 
Koussinoc, now Augusta. See Rus- 
sell's Pilgrim Memorials, ed. 1855, p. 
197 ; Williamson's Maine, I. 253. — 
Ed. 

f It is evident from Bradford's Letter- 
Book that this further correspondence 
with the Dutch, and the visit of De Ra- 
sieres to Plymouth, took place in the 
year 1627. To the Governor's letter of 
March 19th, on pp. 224, 225, the Dutch 
replied, under date August 7th, 1627, 
" very friendly, but maintaining their 
right and liberty to trade in those parts, 
which we had desired they would for- 
bear," alleging authority from the States 
of Holland. Bradford rejoined, under 
date of August 14th, expressing a de- 
sire for an " opportunity (according as 
you write) by word of mouth, to confer 
together touching our mutual commerce 
and trading in such things as our coun- 
tries afford," warning them, however, 
of their danger, if they should fall into 
" the hands of those of Virginia, or the 
fishing ships which come to New Eng- 
land." De Rasieres' visit was in Octo- 
ber of this year. Proceeding up Buz- 
zard's Bay and the Manomet River to 
Manomet, in the bark Nassau, he there 

30 



addressed a letter to Governor Bradford, 
dated October 4th, desiring him to afford 
" the easiest means, that I may with 
least weariness come to congratulate 
with you." It appears that he remained 
some few days at Plymouth, and on his 
departure Governor Bradford sent a 
letter to Minuit, dated October 1, 1627, 
in which, among other things, he ad- 
vises the Dutch to clear the title of their 
planting in these parts. After this there 
was frequent intercourse between the 
two colonies. It should be borne in 
mind that these letters from the Dutch 
are dated according to the New Style, 
while those of the English are expressed 
in Old Style. 

Governor Bradford describes De Ra- 
sieres as " their upper commis or chief 
merchant, and second to the Governor, 
a man of fair and genteel behavior ; but 
he soon after fell into disgrace amongst 
them, by reason of their factions." 
After his visit to Plymouth he wrote 
an interesting description of the place, 
an extract from which is given on page 
126. See further in Brodhead's New 
York, pp. 176-180; 1 Mass. Hist. 
Coll., III. 53-57. — Ed. 



234 HISTORY or [book II. 

as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer & courser stufes, &c. 
They came up with their barke to Manamete, to their 
house ther, in which came their Secretarie Easier ; who 
was accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some 
other attendants ; and desired that they would send a boat 
for him, for he could not travill so farr over land. So 
they sent a boat to Manonscussett,* and brought him to 
y e plantation, with y e cheefe of his company. And after 
some few days entertainmente, he returned to his barke, 
and some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of his 
goods ; after which begining thus made, they sente often 
times to y e same place, and had entercourse togeather for 
diverce years ; and amongst other comodities, they vended 
much [158] tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, &c., which was 
a good benefite to y e people, till the Virginians found out 
their plantation. But that which turned most to their 
profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wam- 
pampeake ; for they now bought aboute 50 H . worth of it 
of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at 
their forte Orania ; j* and did perswade them they would 
find it so at Kenebeck ; and so it came to pass in time, 
though at first it stuck, & it was 2. years before they 
could put of this small quantity, till y e inland people 
knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett 
enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this, 
with their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from 
y e fisher-men, and in great part from other of y e stragling 
planters. And strange it was to see the great allteration 
it made in a few years amonge y e Indeans them selves ; 
for all the Indeans of these parts, & y e Massachussets, had 
none or very litle of it,J but y e sachems & some spetiall 
persons that wore a litle of it for ornamente. Only it was 

* Now called "Scussett," in Sand- the Dutch pronounced it, "Fort Au- 

wich, on the north side of Cape Cod. ranea." See Brodhead's New York, 

— Ed. pp. 152, 583. — Ed. 

f Fort Orange, now Albany. The J Peag. 
English usually spelled this word as 



1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 235 

made & kepte amonge y e Nariganssets, & Pequents, which 
grew rich & potent by it, and these people were poore & 
begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English 
of this plantation, or any other in y e land, till now that 
they had knowledg of it from y e Dutch, so much as know 
what it was, much less y l it was a comoditie of that worth 
& valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these 
parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to 
make it ; for y e Narigansets doe geather y e shells of which 
y e7 make it from their shors. And it hath now continued 
a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove 
a drugg in time. In y e mean time it maks y e Indeans of 
these parts rich & power full and also prOwd therby ; and 
fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws 
can restraine, by reasone of y e bassnes of sundry unworthy 
persons, both English, Dutch, & French, which may turne 
to y e mine of many. Hithertoo y e Indeans of these parts 
had no peeces nor other amies but their bowes & arrowes, 
nor of many years after ; nether durst they scarce handle 
a gune, so much were they affraid of them ; and y e very 
sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto 
them. But those Indeans to y e east parts, which had 
comerce with y e French, got peces of them, and they in y e 
end made a commone trade of it ; and in time our Eng- 
lish fisher-men, led with y e like covetoussnes, followed 
their example, for their owne gaine ; but upon complainte 
against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite y e 
same by a stricte proclaimation,* commanding that no 
sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects 
be traded with them. 

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came 
over one Captaine Wolastone,f (a man of pre tie parts,) 



* " A proclamation prohibiting inter- may be seen in Rymer's Fcedera, XVII. 

loping and disorderly trading to New 416, and in Hazard, I. 151, 152. — Ed. 

England in America" was issued by f Morton (Memorial, p. 68) says he 

King James, November 6th, 1622, and came over in 1625. — Ed. 



236 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, who 
brought with them a great many servants, with provis- 
sions & other implments for to begine a plantation ; and 
pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusets, 
which they called, after their Captains name, Mount- Wol- 
laston.* Amongst whom was one M r . Morton,*j* who, it 
should seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne 
or other mens) amongst them ; but had litle respecte 
[159] amongst them, and was sleghted by y e meanest ser- 
vants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not find- 
ing things to answer their expectations, nor profite to 
arise as they looked for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great 
part of y e sarvants, and transports them to Virginia, wher 
he puts them of at good rates, selling their time to other 
men ; and writs back to one M r . Eassdall, one of his cheefe 
partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another 
parte of them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them 
of ther as he had done y e rest. And he, w th y e consente 
of y e said Rasdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his Live- 
tenante, and governe y e remaines of y e plantation, till he 
or Rasdall returned to take further order theraboute. But 
this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie, 
(who had been a kind of petie-fogger, of Furnefells Inne,) 
in y e others absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons 
being but hard amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck 
& other junkats, & made them a feast ; and after they 
were merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them 
good counsell. You see (saith he) that many of your 
fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this 

* Within the present town of Quincy. servants may have been of Weston's 

— Ed. company, and have come over with the 

f Thomas Morton says : "In the chief of those in the Charity, which 

month of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it arrived in June or July of 1622. Our 

was my good chance to arrive in the information, however, on this point, is 

parts of New England, with 30 servants, by no means satisfactory, and no further 

and provisions of all sorts fit for a plan- light is shed here by his curious book, 

tation ; and whiles our houses were Governor Bradford mentions his name 

building I did endeavor to take a survey at this place for the first time. See 

of the country," &c. Morton and his New English Canaan, pp. 17, 59. — Ed. 



1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 237 

Rasdall returne, you will also be carried away and sould 
for slaves with y e rest. Therfore I would advise you to 
thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher ; and I, having a parte 
in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and 
consociats ; so may you be free from service, and w 7 e will 
converse, trad, plante, & live togeather as equalls, & sup- 
porte & protecte one another, or to like effecte. This 
counsell was easily received ; so they tooke oppertunitie, 
and thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would 
suffer him to come no more amongst them, but forct him 
to seeke bread to eate, and other releefe from his neig- 
bours, till he could gett passages for England. After this 
they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute life, 
powering out them selves into all profanenes. And Mor- 
ton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) 
a schoole of Athisme. And after they had gott some good 
into their hands, and gott much by trading with y e In- 
deans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drinking 
both wine & strong waters in great exsess, and, as some 
reported, 10 iis . worth in a morning. They allso set up a 
May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days to- 
geather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, 
dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or 
furies rather,) and worse practises. As if they had anew 
revived & celebrated the feasts of y e Roman Goddes Flora, 
or y e beasly practieses of y e madd Bacchinalians. Morton 
likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry rimes & 
verses,* some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to y e 
detraction & scandall of some persons, which he affixed to 
this idle or idoll May-polle. They chainged allso the 
name of their place, and in stead of calling it Mounte 
Wollaston, they call it Merie-mounte, [160] as if this 
joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not 
long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows 

* Some of which are printed in his New English Canaan. — Ed. 



238 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentl- 
man, M r . John Indecott, who brought over a patent under 
y e broad seall,* for y e govermente of y e Massachusets, who 
visiting those parts caused y l May-polle to be cutt downe, 
and rebuked them for their profannes, and admonished 
them to looke ther should be better walking ; so they 
now, or others, changed y e name of their place againe, 
and called it Mounte-Dagon. 

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse 
excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing 
what gaine y e French & fisher-men made by trading of 
peeces, powder, & shotte to y e Indeans, he, as y e head of 
this consortship, begane y e practise of y e same in these 
parts ; and first he taught them how to use them, to 
charge, & discharg, and what proportion of powder to 
give y e peece, according to y e sise or bignes of y e same ; 
and what shotte to use for foule, and what for deare. 
And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of 
them to hunte & fowle for him, so as they became farr 
more active in that imploymente then any of y e English, 
by reason of ther swiftnes of foote, & nimblnes of body, 
being also quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well 
knowing y e hants of all sorts of game. So as when they 
saw y e execution that a peece would doe, and y e benefite 
that might come by y e same, they became madd, as it 
were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise 
they could attaine too for them ; accounting their bowes 
& arrowes but babies in comparison of them. 

And here I may take occasion to bewaile y e mischefe 
that this wicked man began in these parts, and which 
since base covetousnes prevailing in men that should 



* This is not correctly stated. Endi- the royal charter of 4th March, 1628-9, 

cott did not bring over the patent under was granted. Subsequently a duplicate 

the broad seal. He was sent out soon or exemplification of the charter was 

after the patent was procured from the sent to him. See Young's Chronicles 

Council for New England, (arriving of Massachusetts, pp. 13, 142. — Ed. 
here in September, 1628,) and before 






1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 239 

know better, has now at length gott y e upper hand, and 
made this thing comone, notwithstanding any laws to y e 
contrary ; so as y e Indeans are full of peeces all over, both 
fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c. They have also their 
moulds to make shotte, of all sorts, as muskett bulletts, 
pistoll bullets, swane & gose shote, & of smaler sorts ; yea, 
some have seen them have their scruplats to make scru- 
pins them selves, when they wante them, with sundery 
other implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better 
fited & furnished then y e English them selves. Yea, it 
is well knowne that they will have powder & shot, when 
the English want it, nor cannot gett it ; and y l in a time 
of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, that 
when lead hath been scarce, and men for their owne de- 
fence would gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear 
enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up & sent to other 
places, and sould to shuch as trade it with y e Indeans, at 
12. pence y e li. ; and it is like they give 3. or 4. s y e pound, 
for they will have it at any rate. And these things have 
been done in y e same times, when some of their neigbours 
& freinds are daly killed by y e Indeans, or are in deanger 
therof, and live but at y e Indeans mercie. [161] Yea, 
some (as they have aquainted them with all other things) 
have tould them how gunpowder is made, and all y e ma- 
terialls in it, and that they are to be had in their owne 
land ; and I am confidente, could they attaine to make 
saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. O the 
horiblnes of this vilanie ! how many both Dutch & Eng- 
lish have been latly slaine by those Indeans, thus fur- 
nished ; and no remedie provided, nay, y e evill more in- 
creased, and y e blood of their brethren sould for gaine, as 
is to be feared ; and in what danger all these colonies are 
in is too well known. Oh ! that princes & parlements 
would take some timly order to prevente this mischeefe, 
and at length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punish- 
mente upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for 



240 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

they deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these 
parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus 
armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instru- 
ments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie. But I 
have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this di- 
gression ; but now to returne. This Morton having thus 
taught them y e use of peeces, he sould them all he could 
spare ; and he and his consorts detirmined to send for 
many out of England, and had by some of y e ships sente 
for above a score. The which being knowne, and his 
neigbours meeting y e Indeans in y e woods armed with 
guns in this sorte, it was a terrour unto them, who lived 
straglingly, and were of no strenght in any place. And 
other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe 
would quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, 
they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would 
entertaine any, how vile soever, and all y e scume of y e 
countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him from all 
places, if this nest was not broken ; and they should stand 
in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) from 
this wicked & deboste * crue, then from y e salvages them 
selves. 

So sundrie of y e cheefe of y e stragling plantations, meet- 
ing togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those 
of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them 
all) to joyne with them, to prevente y e further grouth of 
this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his consortes be- 
fore y ey grewe to further head and strength. Those that 
joyned in this acction (and after contributed to y e charge f 



* Deboist, debauched, corrupted. — Ed. From Mr. Jeffrey and Mr. £. 
f In Bradford's Letter-Book the sums 
contributed for this purpose are given 
as follows : — 

£. s. 

From Plymouth, . . 2 10 

" Naumkeak, . . 1 10 

" Pascataquack, . 2 10 






Burslem, 
Natascot, . 
Mrs. Thomson, 
Mr. Blackston, . 
Edward Hilton, 


. 2 
1 

, 1 



10 
15 
12 






12 


7 
-Ed 



1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 241 

of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Nam- 
keake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other 
places wher any English were seated. Those of Plimoth 
being thus sought too by their messengers & letters, and 
waying both their reasons, and the coihone danger, were 
willing to afford them their help ; though them selves had 
least cause of fear or hurte. So, to be short, they first 
resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly & neig- 
borly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, & 
sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. 
But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and asked 
who had to doe with him ; he had and would trade peeces 
with y e Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scuril- 
lous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second 
time, and bad him be better advised, and more temperate 
in his termes, for y e countrie could not beare y e injure he 
did ; it was against their comone saftie, and against y e 
king's proclamation. He answerd in high terms as be- 
fore, and that y e kings proclaimation was no law ; demand- 
ing what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more 
then he could [162] bear, his majesties displeasure. But 
insolently he persisted, and said y e king was dead and his 
displeasure with him, & many y e like things ; and threat- 
ened withall that if any came to molest him, let them 
looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them. 
Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him 
by force ; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over 
would make him farr more hautie & insolente. So they 
mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of y e Gov r of 
Plimoth to send Captaine Standish, & some other aide 
with him, to take Morton by force. The which accord- 
ingly was done ; but they found him to stand stifly in his 
defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set 
diverse dishes of powder & bullets ready on y e table ; and 
if they had not been over armed with drinke, more hurt 
might have been done. They somaned him to yeeld, but 

31 



242 



HISTORY OF 



[book II. 



he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but scofes 
& scorns from him ; but at length, fearing they would doe 
some violence to y e house, he and some of his crue came 
out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so 
steeld with drinke as their peeces were to heavie for them ; 
him selfe with a carbine (over charged & allmost halfe 
fild with powder & shote, as was after found) had thought 
to have shot Captaine Standish ; but he stept to him, & 
put by his peece, & tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte 
done to any of either side, save y l one was so drunke y l he 
rane his owne nose upon y e pointe of a sword y l one held 
before him as he entred y e house ; but he lost but a litle 
of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth, 
wher he was kepte, till a ship went from y e He of Shols 
for England, with which he was sente to y e Counsell of 
New-England ; and letters * writen to give them informa- 
tion of his course & cariage ; and also one was sent at 



* These letters may be seen in Brad- 
ford's Letter-Book, dated June 9th, 
1628. One is addressed to his Majesty's 
Council for New England, and one to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges. They were 
subscribed by " the chief of every plan- 
tation." The bearer of the letters was 
John Oldham, in whose charge the 
prisoner was sent to England. The 
arrest of Morton here narrated took 
place some months before the arrival of 
Endicott, who afterwards visited Merry- 
Mount, and cut down the May-pole, as 
related on page 238. 

Morton, in his New English Canaan, 
gives a comical but incoherent account 
of his capture. He describes it as in 
the month of June. He says that Cap- 
tain Standish (whom he nicknames 
"Captain Shrimp") and his party, 
taking advantage of the absence of his 
company, set upon him at "Wessagus- 
cus, where by accident they found him, 
and took him prisoner. They set a 
guard of six persons over him ; but in 
the dead of night he escaped and fled 
to Merry-Mount, whither he was after- 
ward pursued by Standish and eight 
others, to whom he capitulated, — hav- 



ing but two persons with him, — on 
condition that no violence should be 
offered to him or his goods ; but that 
he should have his arms, and whatever 
else was requisite for . his voyage to 
England. These terms, he says, were 
not kept, and he complains of rough 
usage after his surrender. He was 
taken to Plymouth, a council held upon 
him, and he was sentenced to be sent 
prisoner to England. " But when he 
was brought to the ships for that pur- 
pose, no man durst be so foolhardy as 
to undertake to carry him." He was 
then, in a state of destitution, set upon 
an island, where he stayed a month at 
least, and thence he set sail for England 
"of his own accord," landing at Ply- 
mouth. " He stayed in England until 
the ordinary time for shipping to set 
forth for these parts, and thenreturned, 
.... put in at Plymouth in the very 
faces of them, to their terrible amaze- 
ment to see him at liberty, and told 
him he had not yet answered the mat- 
ter they could object against him." 
See New English Canaan, pp. 138 
-150, 155, 157. —Ed. 






1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 243 

their comone charge to informe their Ho rs more perticu- 
lerly, & to prosecute against him. But he foold of y e 
messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he 
wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so 
much as rebukte, for ought was heard ; but returned y e 
nexte year.* Some of y e worst of y e company were dis- 
perst, and some of y e more modest kepte y e house till he 
should be heard from. But I have been too long aboute 
so unworthy a person, and bad a cause. 

This year M r . Allerton brought over a yonge man for a 
minister to y e people hear, wheather upon his owne head, 
or at y e motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but 
it was without y e churches sending ; for they had bene so 
bitten by M r . Lyford, as they desired to know y e person 
well whom they should invite amongst them. His name 
was M r . Rogers ; but they perceived, upon some triall, that 
he was erased in his braine ; so they were faine to be at 
further charge to send him back againe y e nexte year, 
and loose all y e charge that was expended in his hither 
bringing, which was not smalle by M r . Allerton's accounte, 
in provissions, aparell, bedding, &c. After his returne he 
grue quite distracted, and M r . Allerton was much blamed 
y l he would bring such a man over, they having charge 
enough otherwise. 

M r . Allerton, in y e years before, had brought over some 
small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould 
them for his owne private benefite ; which was more then 
any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he 
had other wise done them good service, and also he sould 
them among y e people at y e plantation, by which their 
wants were supplied, and he aledged it was the [163] love 
of M r . Sherley and some other freinds that would needs 
trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him 
some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but 

* He was brought over by Mr. Aller- account of him, under the following 
ton, as will be narrated, with a further year. — Ed. 



244 HISTORY OF 



BOOK II. 



past over. But this year he brought over a greater quan- 
tise, and they were so intermixte with y e goods of y e gen- 
erall, as they knew not which were theirs, & w ch was his, 
being pact up together ; so as they well saw that, if any 
casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid y e whole 
on them, if he would ; for ther was no distinction. Allso 
what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, 
usualy that was his ; and he now begane allso to sell 
abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their 
comone course, they began to dislike. Yet because love 
thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire 
words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this 
year for England ; considering how well he had done y e 
former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with 
their freinds ther ; as also seeing sundry of their freinds 
from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be 
much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente 
for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of y e former 
mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was conceived, in a 
maner, y e same charge would serve to inlarge this at home 
with it, and he that had begane y e ; former y e last year 
would be y e fittest to effecte this ; so they gave him instruc- 
tions and sente him for England this year againe. And 
in his instructions bound him to bring over no goods on 
their accounte, but 50 H . in hose & shoes, and some linen 
cloth, (as y ey were bound by covenante when they tooke 
y e trad ;) also some trading goods to such a value ; and in 
no case to exseed his instructions, nor ruiie them into 
any further charge ; he well knowing how their state stood. 
Also y* he should so provide y l their trading goods came 
over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accounte 
should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, 
and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he 
prayed them to give him such instructions as they saw 
good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie 
or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dis- 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 245 

likes. And thus they conceived they had well provided 
for all things* 



Anno Dom\ 1629. 

M R . Allerton safly arriving in England, and delivering 
his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them with 
his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and 
they were very forward & willing to joyne with them in 
y e partnership of trade, & in y e charge to send over y e 
Leyden people ; a company wherof were allready come out 
of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent 
away before M r . Allerton could be ready to come. They 
had passage with y e ships that came to Salem, that brought 
over many godly persons to begine y e plantations & 
churches of Christ ther, & in y e Bay of Massachussets ; 
so their long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed 
by y e Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, in 
that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther late ex- 
pectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt of,) but, 
with them, many more godly freinds & Christian breeth- 
ren, as y e begining of a larger harvest unto y e Lord, in y e 
increase of his churches & people in these parts, to y e ad- 
miration of many, and allmost wonder of y e world ; that 
of so small beginings so great things should insue, as time 
after manifested ; and that here should be a resting place 
for so many of y e Lords people, when so sharp a scourge 
came upon their owne nation. But it was y e Lords doing, 
& it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. 

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, 
which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir 
proceedings. 

* Morton records under this year the ment of the plantation of New Ply- 
death of Mr. Richard Warren, who mouth." For notice of his family, see 
" was a useful instrument, and during List of Passengers in the Mayflower, 
his life bore a deep share in the diffi- in the Appendix ; also Russell's Guide 
culties and troubles of the first settle- to Plymouth, p. 249. — Ed. 



246 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

A leter of M r . Sherleys to y e Gov r . 

May 25, 1629.* 
S r : &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds from. 
Leyden coming over, who, though for y e most parte be but a 
weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained 
which was aimed at, and which hath been so strongly opposed 
by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working 
in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we 
have allso sent some servants in y e ship called the Talbut, that 
wente hence latly ; but these come in y e May-flower.f M r . Bea- 
champ & my selfe, with M r . Andrews & M r . Hatherly, are, with 
your love and liking, joyned partners with you, &c. 

J Your deputation we have received, and y e goods have been 
taken up & sould by your freind & agente, M r . Allerton, my 
selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam & 
other parts in y e Low- Countries. I see further the agreemente 
you have made with y e generallitie, in which I cannot under- 
stand but you have done very well, both for them & you, and 
also for your freinds at Leyden. M r . Beachamp, M r . Andrews, 
M r . Hatherley, & my selfe, doe so like and approve of it, as we are 
willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us, 
will be assisting and helpfull to you, y e best y l possiblie we can. 
Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you 
should accomplish y e end you first aimed at, and some others 
indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from 
y e profite, which otherwise by y e blessing of God and your in- 
deaours, might be gained ; for most of those that came in May, 
& these now sente, though I hope honest & good people, yet not 
like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, certaine must, 
some while, be chargable to you & us ; at which it is lickly, had 
not this wise & discreete course been taken, many of your gen- 
eralise would have grudged. Againe, you say well in your 
letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now 
being but a few, on whom y e burthen must be, you will both 
menage it y e beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no 

* 1629, May 25, the first letter con- f William Peirce master. See 

cerning the former company of Leyden Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 

people. — Prince. p. 175. — Ed. 

See this letter in full in Bradford's J 2. letter. 
Letter-Book. — Ed. 






1629.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



247 



discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, 
in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and 
prosper your honest labours & indeavors. And therfore in all 
respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, 
& advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente ; 
I mean y l are reasonable & honest men, such as make con- 
science of giving y e best satisfaction they be able for their 
debts, and y l regard not their owne perticuler so much as y e 
accomplishing of y l good end for which this bussines was first 
intended, &c. Thus desiring y e Lord to blese & prosper you, & 
all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest 

Your unfained & ever loving freind, 



James Sherley. 



Lon : March 8. 1629; 



That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. 
companies that came from Leyden in this place ; though 
they came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of 
England this year. The former company, being 35. per- 
sons,"]" were sniped in May, and arived here aboute Au- 



* 1629-30, March 8th, the second 
letter concerning the latter company of 
Leyden people. — Prince. 

See this letter in full in Bradford's 
Letter-Book. Mrs. Robinson, the widow 
of the Rev. John Robinson, undoubtedly 
came over with this latter company of 
Leyden people, with her son Isaac, and 
perhaps with another son. Prince says : 
" Isaac came over to Plymouth Colony, 
lived to above ninety years of age, a ven- 
erable man, whom 1 have often seen, and 
has left male posterity in the County of 
Barnstable." He was at Scituate in 
1636, and in 1639 removed to Barnsta- 
ble. See Prince, I. 160 ; Deane's Scit- 
uate, p. 332. 

There was an Abraham Robinson 
early at Gloucester, who, according to 
the records there, deceased 23d Febru- 
ary, 1645. He had a son Abraham 
living in 1730, who is said to have 
reached the age of a hundred and two 
years. This centenarian had a family 
of twelve children, among whom was 
Andrew, somewhat distinguished, one 
of whose daughters was a grandmother 
of Mrs. Webber, wife of President 



Webber of Harvard College. A tra- 
ditionary account of the family is pre- 
served, written by Mrs. Webber, ac- 
cording to which the first Abraham, 
above named, was a son of John of Ley- 
den, and brother of Isaac. Farmer 
probably derived his information from 
this source, (as Professor James F. Dana, 
whom he cites, was a descendant of 
Abraham Robinson, and his wife was a 
daughter of President Webber,) but he 
erroneously substitutes the name of John 
for Abraham. The traditionary evi- 
dence here adduced is considered of a 
respectable character. " It is very re- 
markable that Mrs. Robinson should 
have fallen into such complete obscurity 
after her arrival in New England. She 
may have come to Gloucester with her 
son, and lived and died with the little 
band who were here a few years before 
the incorporation of the town ; or she 
may have gone to Salem, where, I be- 
lieve, was a Mrs. Robinson early." 
Manuscript letters of Mr. John J. Bab- 
son, of Gloucester, Mass. — Ed. 

f Prince (I. 192) adds, " with their 
families," for which there is no au- 



248 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

gust.* The later were sliiped in y e begirring of March, - !* 
and arived hear y e later end of May, 1630. M r . Sherleys 
2. letters, y e effect wherof I have before related, (as much 
of them as is pertinente,) mentions both. Their charge, 
as M r . Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte, came 
to above 550 H .{ besids ther fetching hither from Salem & 
y e Bay, wher they and their goods were landed ; viz. their 
transportation from Holland to England, & their charges 
lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing provided for 
them. For I find by accounte for y e one company, § 125. 
yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66. p r , 
with many other perticulers. The charge of y e other com- 
pany is reckoned on y e severall families, some 50 11 ., some 
40 H ., some 30 K ., and so more or less, as their number & 
expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freinds 
& bretheren here were to provid corne & other provissions 
for them, till they could reap a crope which was long be- 
fore. Those that came in May|| were thus maintained 
upward of 16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest 

thority here. Bradford states also in indiscreet carriage here hath so abated 

his Letter-Book : " These persons were my affection towards them, as, were 

in all thirty-five." — Ed. Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not 

* That is, in May and August, 1629, disburse one penny for the rest." 

as by Mr. Sherley's letter of May 25th, " This offence was given by some 

1629. — Prince. of them," writes Governor Bradford, 

■}• 1629-30. These came in the Lyon, "which redounded to the prejudice of 
Captain William Peirce, from Bristol, the whole ; and indeed our friends 
See Prince, I. 207; Savage's Winthrop, which sent this latter company were to 
I. 25, 29, where also is a notice of Cap- blame, for they now sent all the weak- 
tain Peirce, by the learned editor. — Ed. est and poorest, without any of note 

J Prince (I. 201) appears to err in and better discretion and government 

saying, " The charge of this last com- amongst them, contrary to our minds and 

party comes to above 550Z." — Ed. advice ; for they thought, if these were 

§ The former company of thirty-five got over, the other might come when 

persons. See Bradford's Letter-Book, they would. But partly this distaste, 

— Ed. but especially the great charge which 

|| In the postscript to the last letter both these companies came to, coming 

cited from Sherley, he makes complaint so near together, put a bar in the way ; 

of some of this latter company of Ley- for though this company were the fewer 

den people, warning the Governor in number, yet their charge came to an 

against believing what some may re- 100/. more. And notwithstanding this 

port of Mr. Allerton. " I know some indiscretion, yet they were such as 

of them are apt to speak ill of him : feared God, and were thus both wel- 

believe them not. Indeed, they have been come and useful, for the most part." 

unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge, Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. 

and are not contented. Verily their Hist. Coll., III. 69, 70. — Ed. 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 249 

of their owne, & y e other by proportion. And all they 
could doe in y e mean time was to gett them some housing, 
and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the season. 
And this charg of maintaining them all this while was 
litle less then y e former sume. These things I note more 
perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to shew a rare 
example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care in 
performing their promises and covenants to their breth- 
eren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power ; that they 
should venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to ac- 
complish this thing, and bear it so cheerfully ; for they 
never demanded, much less had, any repaymente of all 
these great sumes thus disbursed. 2 ly . It must needs be 
that ther was more then of man in these acheevements, 
that should thus readily stire up y e harts of shuch able 
frinds to joyne in partnership with them in shuch a case, 
and cleave so faithfullie to them as these did, in so great 
adventures ; and the more because the most of them never 
saw their faces to this day ; ther being neither kindred, 
aliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweene any 
of them, then hath been before mentioned ; it must needs 
be therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3 ly . That 
these poore people here in a wilderness should, notwith- 
standing, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, 
and many more unjustly brought upon them through the 
unfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which 
they sustained, which will be made manifest, if y e Lord be 
pleased to give life and time. In y e mean time, I cannot 
but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and 
humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mer- 
cies hithertoo. 

[166] The Leyden people being thus come over, and 
sundry of y e generalise seeing & hearing how great y e 
charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, 
they begane to murmure and repine at it, notwithstanding 
y e burden lay on other mens shoulders ; espetially at y e 
32 



250 



HISTORY OF 



[book II. 



paying of y e 3. bush ells of corne a year, according to y e 
former agreemente, when y e trad was lett for y e 6. years 
aforesaid. But to give them contente herein allso, it was 
promised them, that if they could doe it in y e time with- 
out it, they would never demand it of them ; which gave 
them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as 
will appeare by y e sequell. 

Concerning M r . Allertons proceedings about y e inlarg- 
ing & confirming of their patent, both y l at home & Kene- 
beck, will best appere by another leter of M r . Sherleys ; 
for though much time & money was expended aboute it, 
yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came without 
it * See M r . Sherleys letter. 

Most worthy & loving freinds, &c.f 
Some of your letters I received in July, & some since by M r . 
Peirce, but till our maine bussines, y e patent, was granted, I 
could not setle my mind nor pen to writing. M r . Allerton was 
so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not nor could not have 
undergone it, if I might have had a thousand pounds ; but y e 
Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond expectation in these 
evill days) as he obtained y e love & favore of great men in re- 
pute & place. He got granted from y e Earle of Warwick $ & 



* From the date of the following let- 
ter and the narrative of proceedings 
which it details, it would seem that 
Governor Bradford here refers to Aller- 
ton's return in 1630 from the visit he 
may have made to England this year ; 
and not to his return this year from his 
mission of 1628. It will be seen, fur- 
ther on, that he gave great offence by 
bringing over this year Thomas Mor- 
ton, who had been sent prisoner to Eng- 
land the year before (1628). Bradford 
is silent as to the time of his return, but 
it appears that he was not prepared to 
come with the first company of Leyden 
people who left in May ; though Mor- 
ton, in his New English Canaan, speaks 
of his own return at " the ordinary time 
for shipping to set forth for these parts." 
If Bradford's chronology is here cor- 
rectly apprehended, he makes no men- 
tion of Allerton's being sent over to 



England again this year, but the follow- 
ing letter and other evidence sufficiently 
indicate that he was there. — Ed. 

f By March 19, 1629, must be meant 
1629-30 ; and so this letter is placed a 
year sooner than it should be. But I 
conclude that Governor Bradford does 
it, because, according to the old English 
way, he carries the year 1629 down to 
March 24th, inclusively of 1629-30. — 
Prince. 

See other portions of this letter on 
the following pages. The whole is pre- 
served in Bradford's Letter-Book.— Ed. 

J This grant from the Council for 
New England to the colony of New 
Plymouth was made to " William Brad- 
ford, his heirs, associates, and assigns." 
It is dated January 13th, 1629-30. The 
original parchment, bearing the seal of 
the Council and the signature of the 
Earl of Warwick, the President, is in 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 251 

S r . Ferdinando Gorge all that M r . Winslow desired in his letters 
to me, & more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he 
sued to y e king to confirme their grante, and to make you a cor- 
poration, and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such 
large & ample maner as y e Massachusett plantation hath it; 
which y e king graciously granted, referring it to y e Lord Keeper 
to give order to y e solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presi- 
dente for it. So y e Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and 
allso y e solissiter ; but as Festus said to Paule, With no small 
sume of money obtained I this freedom ; for by y e way many 
ridells must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with 
y e silver, ney, y e golden key. Then it was to come to y e Lord 
Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing y e custume for a 
certaine time ; but he would not doe it, but refferd it to y e 
Counsell table. And ther M r . Allerton atended day by day, 
when they sate, but could not gett his* petition read. And by 
reason of M r . Peirce his staying with all y e passengers at Bris- 
tol], he was forct to leave y e further prosecuting of it to a solis- 
siter.f But ther is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, 
for he hath y e cheefe of them to freind ; yet it will be marvel- 
cusly needfull for him to returne by y e first ship y l comes from 
thence ; for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, 
and might bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for your 
ranke & place y l God hath called you unto ; and stope y e 
moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, y l are ready to ques- 
tion & threaten you in every action you [167] doe. And be- 
sids, if you have y e custome free for 7. years inward, & 21. out- 

the office of the Register of Deeds at pp. 21 -26 ; also Baylies's Hist. Ply- 
Plymouth. It has" been frequently mouth Col, pp. 187, 225-229. — Ed. 
printed. In this grant, the territorial *" Or rather Mr. Bradford's petition 
limits of the colony are defined, which read." Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. 
was not the case in the first patent. f By this it seems that Mr. Allerton 
This includes also a conveyance of fif- now comes with several Leyden people 
teen miles on each side of the Kenne- in Mr. Peirce; and accordingly Gov- 
beck River. A royal charter, so anx- ernor Winthrop says that when he ar- 
iously desired, so temptingly held out rived at Salem, on June 12, 1630, "we 
to them by Shirley, and for which so sent a skiff to Mr. Peirce his ship 
much money had been lavished, was which lay in the harbor, and had been 
never granted to the colony during its there [blank] days before. About an 
existence. The powers of government hour after, Mr. Allerton came aboard us 
which they exercised were derived from in a shallop, as he was sailing to Pema- 
no higher authority than that by which quid." No doubt with Ashley. — Prince. 
the compact on board the Mayflower See Savage's Winthrop, I. 25. 
was made, in 1620. See the patent in Prince cites the original manuscript of 
Plymouth Colony Laws, Brigham's ed. , Governor Winthrop's History. — Ed. 



252 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

ward, y e charge of y e patent will be soone recovered, and ther is 
no fear of obtaining* it. But such things must work by degrees ; 
men cannot hasten it as they would; werefore we (I write in 
behalfe of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with M r . 
Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, 
to finish this great & waighty bussines, which we conceive will 
be much for your good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for 
many generations to come. 

Thus much of this letter. It was dated y e 19. March, 

1629.t 

By which it appears what progress was made herein, 
& in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, 
and some reason of y e same ; but in truth (as was after- 
wards appehended) the meaine reason was M r . Allerton's 
policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for 
other regards ; and for that end procured them thus to 
write. For it might then well enough have been flnshed, 
if not with y l clause aboute y e custumes, which was M r . 
Allertons & M r . Sherleys device, and not at all thought 
on by y e colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might 
have been done without it, without all queston, having 
passed y e kings hand ; nay it was conceived it might then 
have beene done with it, if he had pleased ; but covetous- 
nes never brings ought home, as y e proverb is, for this 
oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but 
a great deale of money veainly & lavishly cast away 
aboute it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of 
this more in its place. 

M r . Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this 
(which I had omited J & almost forgotten), — in bringing 
over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and in- 
strumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but 

* This word is here substituted for J This paragraph is written on the 

recovering in the manuscript, ontheau- reverse of the page immediately pre- 

thority of Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. ceding, in the original manuscript. — 

f That is, March 19, 1629-30. — Ed. 
Prince. 



1629.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



253 



y e year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought 
him over, but to y e towne (as it were to nose them), and 
lodged him at his owne house, and for a while used him 
as a scribe to doe his bussines, till he was caused to pack 
him away. So he wente to his old nest in y e Massachu- 
sets, wher it was not long but by his miscariageihe gave 
them just occation to lay hands on him ; and he was by 
them againe sent prisoner into England, wher he lay a 
good while in Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscariage 
here, he was vemently suspected for y e murder of a man 
that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first 
into New-England. And a warrente was sente from y e 
Lord Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he 
was by the Gov r of y e Massachusets sent into England ; * 



* The following is from the Mass. 
Colony Records. Under date August 
23d, 1630, " It was ordered, that Mor- 
ton, of Mount Woolison, should be 
presently sent for by process." Sep- 
tember 7th, "It is ordered by this 
present Court, that Thomas Morton, of 
Mount Wolliston, shall presently be set 
into the bilboes, and after sent prisoner 
into England, by the ship called the 
Gift, now returning thither ; that all 
his goods shall be seized upon to defray 
the charge of his transportation, pay- 
ment of his debts, and to give satisfac- 
tion to the Indians for a canoe he un- 
justly took away from them ; and that 
his house, after his goods are taken 
out, shalt be burnt down to the ground 
in the sight of the Indians, for their 
satisfaction, for many wrongs he hath 
done them from time to time." 

Winthrop, noticing the above sen- 
tence, under date September 30th, 
adds : " Captain Brook, master of the 
Gift, refused to carry him." Dudley, 
in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
says : " In the end of this December de- 
parted from us the ship Handmaid, of 
London, by which we sent away one 
Thomas Morton, a proud, insolent man, 
who has lived here divers years, and 
had been an attorney in the west 
countries while he lived in England. 
Multitude of complaints were received 
against him for injuries done by him 



both to the English and Indians ; and 
amongst others, for shooting hail-shot 
at a troop of Indians for not bring- 
ing a canoe unto him to cross a river 
withal ; whereby he hurt one, and 
shot through the garments of another. 
For the satisfaction of the Indians 
wherein, and that it might appear to 
them and to the English that we meant 
to do justice impartially, we caused his 
hands to be bound behind him, and set 
his feet in the bilboes, and burned his 
house to the ground, all in the sight of 
the Indians, and so kept him prisoner 
till we sent him for England ; whither 
we sent him, for that my Lord Chief 
Justice there so required, that he might 
punish him capitally for fouler mis- 
demeanors there perpetrated, as we 
were informed." 

Morton gives his own account of his 
arrest and sentence, which corresponds 
with the above, but he is silent as to 
the charges there brought against him. 
He says that after Endicott's arrival 
(whom he styles Captain Littleworth), 
every planter, old and new, was re- 
quired to subscribe to " certain articles 
devised between him and their new 
pastor, Master Eager," the tenor of 
which was, " that in all causes, as well 
ecclesiastical as political, we should 
follow the rule of God's word." All 
the assembly subscribed but Morton, 
who declined, " unless they would add 



254 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they de- 
molisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for 
shuch unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, 
and write an infamouse & scurillous booke* against 
many godly & cheefe men of y e cuntrie ; full of lyes 
& slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against 
their names and persons, and y e ways of God. After 
sundry years, when y e warrs were hott in England, he 



this caution : So as nothing be done 
contrary or repugnant to the laws of 
the kingdom of England." In some 
other arrangements proposed concern- 
ing trade, he also declined to become a 
party. On the arrival of Winthrop, he 
intimates that the Book of Common 
Prayer, which he used, was one occa- 
sion why he " mnst not be spared." 
After Morton's arrival in England he 
used what influence he had against the 
Massachusetts colony ; and returning 
here again in 1644, he was arrested 
and imprisoned for a year, then fined 
and set at liberty, " being old and 
crazy." Soon after he left the colony 
and went to Accomenticus, and died 
within two years, " poor and despised." 
See Records of Mass., I. 74, 75 ; Sav- 
age's Winthrop, I. 34, 35, II. 189- 
192 ; Young's Chronicles of Mass., pp. 
321, 322; Morton's New English Ca- 
naan, pp. 157 - 159, 162, 163. — Ed. 

* Morton's book is entitled " New- 
English Canaan, or New Canaan," 
&c. " Printed at Amsterdam, in the 
yeare 1637." There are copies which 
bear upon the title the year 1632 ; but 
this date is evidently fictitious, as the 
author more than once refers to Wood's 
New England Prospect, which was 
first printed in 1634. On page 38, he 
speaks of what "my countryman, 
Mr. Wood, declares in his prospect," 
&c. Morton's book is curious and in- 
teresting, and contains much valuable 
information, especially concerning the 
manners and customs of the Indians 
here ; though some of his statements 
should be received with caution. That 
portion of the narrative concerning 
himself and his contemporaries here 
is written in such an enigmatical style 
that it is often difficult to detect his 



meaning. Morton was evidently a wag, 
and, according to his own account, 
given to rioting and jollity. Bradford is 
severe upon him, but the reader of the 
New English Canaan will rather be con- 
firmed than otherwise in the truth of 
our author's statements. The follow- 
ing passage relating to Endicott is a 
good specimen of his book. 

" In the mean time, while these 
former passages were, there was a 
great swelling fellow, of Littleworth, 

crept over to Salem to take 

upon him their employments for a time. 
He, resolving to make hay while the sun 
did shine, first pretended himself to be 
sent over as Chief Justice of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and Salem forsooth, and 
took unto him a Council, and a worthy 
one no doubt (for the Cow-keeper of 
Salem was a prime man in those em- 
ployments); and to add a majesty, as 
he thought, to his new assumed dig- 
nity, he caused the Patent of the Massa- 
chusetts (new brought into the land) to 
be carried where he went in his prog- 
ress to and fro, as an emblem of his 
authority ; which the vulgar people, not 
acquainted with, thought it to be some 
instrument of music locked up in that 
covered case, and thought (for so some 
said) this man of Littleworth had been 
a fiddler; and the rather because he 
had put into the mouths of poor silly 
things that were sent along with him, 
what skill he had in engines and in 
things of quaint device," &c. Those 
who have seen, at the State-House, the 
case in which one of the copies of the 
Massachusetts Charter was probably 
brought over, will appreciate the above 
description of it. It might easily be 
supposed to contain "some instrument 
of music." — Ed. 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 255 

came againe into y e cuntrie, and was imprisoned at 
Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old 
in wickednes. 

Concerning y e rest of M r . Allertons instructions, in 
which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above 
y l 50 H . in y e goods before mentioned, not to bring any 
but trading ccmodities, he followed them not at all, but 
did the quite contrarie ; bringing over many other sorts 
of retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his 
owne accounte, and delivering the rest, which he said to 
be theirs, into y e store ; and for trading goods brought 
but litle in comparison ; excusing the matter, they had laid 
out much about y e Laiden people, & patent, &c. And 
for other goods, they had much of them of ther owne 
dealings, without present disbursemente, & to like ef- 
fect. And as for passing his bounds & instructions, 
he laid it on M r . Sheriey, &c., who, he said, they might 
see his mind in his leters ; also that they had sett out 
Ashley at great charg ; but next year they should have 
what trading goods they would send for, if things were 
now well setled, &c. And thus were they put off; in- 
deed, M r . Sheriey write things tending this way, but it is 
like he was overruled by M r . Allerton, and harkened more 
to him then to their letters from hence. 

Thus he further writs in y e former leter. 

I see what you write in your leters concerning y e overcoming 
& paying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need 
be carfully looked unto ; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, 
may soone over-come them ; but we must follow it roundly & 
to purposs, for if we pedle out y e time of our trad, others will 
step in and nose us. But we know y l you have y l aquaint- 
ance & experience in y e countrie, as none have the like ; wher- 
fore, freinds & partners, be no way discouraged with y e greatnes 
of y e debt, &c, but let us not fulfill y e proverbe, to bestow 12 d . 
on a purse, and put 6 d . [168] in it; but as you and we have 
been at great charg, and undergone much for setling you ther, 
and to gaine experience, so as God shall enable us, let us make 



256 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

use of it. And think not with 50 H . pound a yeare sent you 
over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. "We see a 
possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished ; 
and cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly 
and wise men, such as have lerned to bear one an others infir- 
mities, and rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if I were able 
I would press this more, because it is hoped by some of your 
enimies, that you will fall out one with another, and so over 
throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it crediblie re- 
ported, y l some have said, that till you be disjoynted by discon- 
tents & factions * amongst your sellves, it bootes not any to 
goe over, in hope of getting or doing good in those parts. But 
we hope beter things of you, and that you will not only bear 
one with another, but banish such thoughts, and not suffer them 
to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disappointe y e hopes 
of your foes, and procure y e hartie desire of your selves & 
freinds in this perticuler. 

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance 
betweene M r . Allerton and them in these things, and that 
they gave more regard to his way & course in these 
things, then to y e advise from hence; which made him 
bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on 
in y e course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as 
will appear. These things did much trouble them hear, 
but they well knew not how to help it, being loath to 
make any breach or contention hear aboute ; being so 
premonished as before in y e leter above recited. An other 
more secrete cause was herewith concurrente ; M r . Aller- 
ton had maried y e daughter f of their Reverend Elder, 
M r . Brewster (a man beloved & honoured amongst them, 
and who tooke great paines in teaching & dispence- 
ing y e word of God unto them), whom they were loath 
to greeve or any way offend, so as they bore with much 
in that respecte. And with all M r . Allerton carried so 

# Fractions in the manuscript. — Ed. subsequently married Joanna . 

f He married Fear Brewster about See Prince, I. 98 ; Cushman Geneal- 

the year 1626, his former wife Mary ogy, pp. 615, 618; List of Passen- 

having died February 25th, 1620-1. gers in the Mayflower, in Appendix. 

His wife Fear died in 1634, and he — Ed. 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 257 

faire with him, and procured such leters from M r . Sherley 
to him, with shuch applause of M r . Allertons wisdom, 
care, and faithfullnes, in y e bussines ; and as things stood 
none were so fitte to send aboute them as he ; and if any 
should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie, or 
some other sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, 
though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some 
cause to lead M r . Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I 
thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he in- 
tended to deale faithfully with them in y e maine, and had 
such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some experi- 
ence of y e benefite that he had made in this singuler 
way, as he conceived he might both raise him selfe an 
estate, and allso be a means to bring in such profite to 
M r . Sherley, (and it may be y e rest,) as might be as lickly 
to bring in their moneys againe with advantage, and it 
may be sooner then from the generall way ; or at least 
it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help 
ther unto ; and that neither he nor any other did intend 
to charge y e generall accounte with any thing that rane 
in perticuler ; or y l M r . Sherley or any other did purposs 
but y l y e generall should be first & fully supplyed. I say 
charitie makes me thus conceive ; though things fell out 
other wise, and they missed of their aimes, and y e generall 
suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear. 

[169] Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines con- 
trived by M r . Allerton and them ther, w th out any knowledg 
of y e partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were con- 
strained to allow therof, and joyne in y e same, though they 
had no great liking of it, but feared what might be y e 
evente of y e same. I shall relate it in a further part of 
M r . Sherley's leter as foloweth. 

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne 
with one Edward Ashley * (a man I thinke y l some of you 

* By the date of Mr. Sherley's and Hatherly's letters of March 19, 1629 

33 



258 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

know) ; but it is only of y l place wherof he hath a patente in 
M r . Beachamps name ;* and to that end have famished him with 
larg provissions, &c. Now if you please to be partners with 
us in this, we are willing you shall ; for after we heard how for- 
ward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne 
kindrid) have been to stock & supply him, hoping of profite, 
we thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, 
and to keep a kind of railing plantation, then others who have 
not borne y e burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done. 
And he, on y e other side, like an understanding yonge man, 
thought it better to joyne with those y l had means by a planta- 
tion to supply & back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke 
but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are part- 
ners with him ; but only we 4., M r . Andrews, M r . Beachamp, my 
selfe, & M r . Hatherley, who desired to have y e patente, in con- 
sideration of our great loss we have allready sustained in setling 
y e first plantation ther ; so we agreed togeather to take it in our 
names. And now, as I said before, if you please to joyne with 
us, we are willing you should. M r . Allerton had no power from 
you to make this new contracts, neither was he willing to doe 
any thing therin without your consente & approbation. M r . 
William Peirce is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very 
conveniente, because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if 
God please ; and he will bend his course accordingly.! He hath 
a new boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. 
lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case you 
are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing y e 
charge & doubting y e success, yet thus much we intreate of 
you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commod- 
ities, or boats ; yet not but y l we will pay you for any thing he 
hath. And we desire you to keep y e accounts apart, though you 
joyne with us ; becase ther is, as you see, other partners in this 
then y e other ; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, 
which we shall have of you, make him debtore for it ; and what 

(i.e. 1629-30), it seems that all this (i.e. 1629-30). An abstract of it is in 

account of Ashley should be brought Hazard, I. 304, 305. See Williamson's 

into 1630. — Prince. Maine, I. 240. — Ed. 

* This patent was granted to John f By this it seems as if Mr. Peirce 

Beauchamp of London, and Thomas had Ashley and the goods in him, and 

Leverett of Boston (Eng.), and was was to land them at Penobscut. But 

called the " Muscongus Patent." The whether he did so after June 12, 1630, 

original was, a few years since, in the when Governor Winthrop found him in 

family of the late General Knox, of Salem harbor, I am yet uncertain. — 

Maine. It bears date "March 13, 1629" Prince. 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 259 

you shall have of him, make y e plantation or your selves debtore 
for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of y e accounts. 

And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles 
patent & bussines, though we have laid out y e money and taken 
up much to stock this bussines & the other, yet I thinke it con- 
scionable and reasonable y l you should beare your shares and 
proportion of y e stock, if not by present money, yet by securing 
us for so much as it shall come too ; for it is not barly y e inter- 
est y l is to be alowed & considered of, but allso y e adventure ; 
though I hope in God, by his blessing & your honest indeav- 
ors, it may soon be payed ; yet y e years y l this partnership holds 
is not long, nor many ; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make 
y e best use of y e time that possiblie we cann, and let every man 
put too his shoulder, and y e burthen will be the lighter. I know 
you are so honest & conscionable men, as you will consider 
hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may give good 
satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have 
done, were it not to strengthen & setle you more then our owne 
perticuler profite. 

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying y e debte for 
y 3 purchas. I know some will not abate y e interest, and ther- 
fore let it rune its course ; they are to be paied yearly, and so I 
hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant y l 
our loves & affections may still be united, and knit togeither ; 
and so w T e rest your ever loving friends, 

James Sherley. 
Timothy Hatherley. 

Bristoll, March 19. 1629.* 

This mater of y e buying y e debts of y e purchass was 
parte of M r . Allertons instructions, and in many of them 
it might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as 
some were) ; but M r . Sherley had no mind to it. But this 
bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them ; for 
though he had wite & abillitie enough to menage y e bussi- 
nes, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane 
yonge man ; and he had for some time lived amonge y e 
Indeans as a savage, & wente naked amongst them, and 

* I conclude, according to the old the spring, and to Plymouth in the fall, 
English account, March 19, 1629-30. of 1630 ; and the four following para- 
So that Ashley came to Penobscut in graphs belong to 1630. — Prince. 



260 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

used their maners (in w ch time he got their language), so 
they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though 
he promised better) , and God would not prosper his ways. 
As soone as he was landed at y e place intended, caled Pe- 
nobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, he write 
(& afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with 
Wampampeake, corne against winter, and other things. 
They considered these were of their cheefe comodities, and 
would be continually needed by him, and it would much 
prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not 
joyne with him in y e ordering of things, if thus they 
should supply him ; and on y e other hand, if they refused 
to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto 
him, they should greatly offend their above named friends, 
and might hapily lose them hereby ; and he and M r . Aller- 
ton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies 
of these things els wher ; besids, they considered that if 
they joyned not in y e bussines, they knew M r . Allerton 
would be with them in it, & so would swime, as it were, 
betweene both, to y e prejudice of boath, but of them selves 
espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines 
was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte 
for his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse 
mischeefe, resolved to joyne in y e bussines, and gave him 
supplies in what they could, & overlooked his proceedings 
as well as they could ; the which they did y e better, by 
joyning an honest yonge man, # that came from Leyden, 
with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as 
a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one 
whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ash- 
ley in some good mesure within bounds. And so they 
returned their answer to their freinds in England, that 



* Thomas Willett. and by his activity and intelligence ren- 

[Thomas Willett became a man of dered his Majesty's commissioners some 

some importance in the colony, being service. See further concerning him 

an Assistant for thirteen successive in Davis's edition of the Memorial, 

years. He was the first Mayor of New p. 311; Savage's Winthrop, I. 322; 

Vork after the conquest by the English, Brodhead's New York, passim. — Ed,] 






1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 261 

they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in 
Ashleys bussines ; and yet withall tould them what their 
fears were concerning him. 

But when they came to have full notice of all y e goods 
brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of 
trading goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then 
[171] themselves; so as they were forced to buy of the 
fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, & cottens & car- 
seys & other such like cloath (for want of trading cloath) 
of M r . Allerton himselfe, and so to put away a great parte 
of their beaver, at under rate, in the countrie, which they 
should have sente home, to help to discharge their great 
ingagementes ; which was to their great vexation ; but 
M r . Allerton prayed them to be contente, and y e nexte 
yere they might have what they would write for. And 
their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when 
they came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. 
years after) ; and that which made them y e more, M r . Aller- 
ton had taken up some large surhes at Bristoll at 50. p r 
cent, againe, which he excused, that he was forcte to it, 
because other wise he could at y e spring of year get no 
goods transported, such were their envie against their 
trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, 
some of them doubted ; but however, y e burden did lye on 
their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many 
heavie loads more in y e end. 

This paying of 50. $ T cent, and dificulty of having their 
goods trasported by y e fishing ships at y e first of y e year, 
(as was beleeved,) which was y e cheefe season for trade, 
put them, upon another projecte. M r . Allerton, after y e 
fishing season was over, light of a bargan of salte, at a 
good fishing place, and bought it ; which came to aboute 
113 H . ; and shortly after he might have had 30 H . cleare 
profite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. But 
M r . Winslow coming that way from Kenebeck, & some 
other of ther partners with him in y e barke, they mett 



262 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

with M r . Allerton, and falling into discourse with him, 
they stayed him from selling y e salte ; and resolved, if it 
might please y e rest, to keep it for them selves, and to 
hire a ship in y e west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, 
on shares, according to y e constome ; and seeing she might 
have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte & fitted 
wher the salt lay safely landed & housed. In stead of 
bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, 
as bread, pease, cloth, &c, and so they might have a full 
supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season, 
which might turne greatly to their advantage. Coming 
home, this was propounded, and considered on, and aproved 
by all but y e Gov r , who had no mind to it, seeing they 
had allway lost by fishing ; but y e rest were so ernest, as 
thinkeing that they might gaine well by y e fishing in this 
way ; and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing 
by it, y e other benefite would be advantage inough ; so, 
seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was referd to 
their freinds in England to alow, or disalow it. Of which 
more in its place. 

Upon y e consideration of y e bussines about y e paten, & 
in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and M r . 
Sherleys ernest pressing to have M r . Allerto to come over 
againe to finish it, & perfect y e accounts, &c, it was con- 
cluded to send him over this year againe ; * though it was 
with some fear & jeolocie ; yet he gave them fair words 
and promises of well performing all their bussineses accord- 
ing to their directions, and to mend his former errors. So 
he was accordingly sent with full instructions for all 
things, with large letters to M r . Sherley & y e rest, both 
aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply with trad- 
ing comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be 
furnished therwith, & what y e had suffered for wante 
therof ; and of what litle use other goods were [172] in 

* I suppose in the fall of 1630. — This seems very evident, although 
Prince. related under the year 1629. — Ed. 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 263 

comparison therof ; and so likewise aboute this fishing 
ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, 
which might both supply them & Ashley, and y e benefite 
therof; which was left to their consideration to hire & set 
her out, or not ; but in no case not to send any, exepte she 
was thus fraighte with trading goods. But what these 
things came too will appere in y e next years passages. 

I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out 
y e begining of this year.* Ther was one M r . Ealfe Smith, j- 
& his wife & familie, y l came over into y e Bay of y e Mas- 
sachusets, and sojurned at presente with some stragling 
people that lived at Natascoe ; here being a boat of this 
place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly de- 
sired that they would give him & his, passage for Plimoth, 
and some such things as they could well carrie ; having 
before heard y l ther was liklyhood he might procure house- 
roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther, 
if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs ; for he 
was werie of being in y l uncoth place, & in a poore house 
y l would neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing 
him to be a grave man, & understood he had been a min- 
ister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet 
they presumed and brought him. He was here accord- 
ingly kindly entertained & housed, & had y e rest of his 
goods & servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst 
them, and afterwards was chosen into y e ministrie, and so 
remained for sundrie years. 

It was before noted that sundry of those that came from 
Leyclen, came over in the ships y l came to Salem, wher M r . 
Endecott had cheefe coihand ; and by infection that grue 
amonge y e passengers at sea, it spread also among them 
a shore, of which many dyed, some of y e scurvie, other of 
an infectious feaoure, which continued some time amongst 
them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped 

* This might be in the beginning of son in 1629, arriving in the latter part 

1629, as also the following paragraphs, of June. See ample notice of him in 

— Prince. Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 

f Mr. Smith came over with Higgin- p. 151. — Ed. 



264 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

it). Upon which occasion he write hither for some help, 
understanding here was one that had some skill y l way, & 
had cured diverse of y e scurvie, and others of other dis- 
eases, by letting blood, & other means. Upon which his 
request y e Gov r hear sent him unto them, and also write 
to him, from whom he received an answere ; the which, 
because it is breefe, and shows y e begining of their aquaint- 
ance, and closing in y e truth & ways of God, I thought it 
not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it; and an 
other showing y e begining of their fellowship & church 
estate ther. 

Being as folio weth.* 

Right worthy S r ; 

It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m r . and of y e 
same houshold should be strangers ; I assure you I desire it 
not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods 
people are all marked with one and y e same marke, and sealed 
with one and y e same seale, and have for y e maine, one & y e 
same harte, guided by one & same spirite of truth ; and wher 
this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here must needs be sweete 
harmonic And y e same request (with you) I make unto y e 
Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a 
heavenly & unfained love ; bending all our harts and forces in 
furthering a worke beyond our strength, with reverence & fear, 
fastening our eyse allways on him that only is able to directe 
and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound 
to you for your kind love and care in sending M r . Fuller f among 

* " To the worshipful and my right f Samuel Fuller was of the May- 
worthy friend, William Bradford, Esq., flower company, and was the first phy- 
Governor of New Plymouth, these." sician of the colony. He was also a 
This letter was written about six weeks deacon of the church of Plymouth, and 
before the arrival of the ships which had borne that office for a number of 
brought Higginson and Skelton and years while in Holland. In a scarce 
their company, and also the thirty-five tract, entitled " The Prophane Schisme 
of "our people "from Leyden ; though of the Brownists, or Separatists," &c, 
from the context it would be inferred published in 1612, containing some ac- 
otherwise. It is correctly stated in our count of the controversy between the 
author's Letter-Book. Dr. Fuller may Ainsworth and Johnson factions at 
have repeated his visit after their ar- Amsterdam, mention is made of a letter 
rival. This and the following letter sent by an adherent of the latter to 
were copied by Morton into the Ply- " Samuel Fuller, a Deacon of Master 
mouth Church Records. See Young's Robinson's church." He was probably 
Chron. of Mass., pp. 143, 235. — Ed. one of the Assistants in the government 



1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 265 

us, and rejoyce much y l I am by him satisfied touching your 
judgments of y e outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as farr 
as [173] I can yet gather, no other then is warrented by y e evi- 
dence of truth, and y e same which I have proffessed and main- 
tained ever since y e Lord in mercie revealed him selfe unto me ; 
being farr from y e commone reporte that hath been spread of 
you touching that perticuler. But Gods children must not 
looke for less here below, and it is y e great mercie of God, that 
he strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede 
at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose 
to see your face shortly. In y e mean time, I humbly take my 
leave of you, comiting you to y e Lords blessed protection, & rest, 

Your assured loving friend, 

Jo: Endecott. 
Naumkeak, May 11. An . 1629. 

This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their 
church affaires at Salem, which was y e 2. church erected 
in these parts ; and afterwards y e Lord established many 
more in sundrie places. 

S r : I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to cer- 
tifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you 
heard from us. How, notwithstanding all opposition that hath 
been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay a foundation, 
the which I hope is agreeable to his word in every thing. The 
20. of July, it pleased y e Lord to move y e hart of our Gov r to 
set it aparte for a solemne day of humilliation, for y e choyce of 
a pastor & teacher. The former parte of y e day being spente in 
praier & teaching, the later parte aboute y e election, which was 
after this maner. The persons thought on (who had been min- 
isters in England) were demanded concerning their callings ; 
they acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an 
inward calling, when y e Lord moved y e harte of a man to take 
y l calling upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for y e same ; 
the second was an outward calling, which was from y e people, 



in 1631, and may have been in other Anne, was living in 1664. He left a 

years. He died in 1633. "His will, son, Samuel. See New England Hist, 

dated July 30th, and proved October and Geneal. Reg., II. 244; Russell's 

28th, 1633, is the earliest on record." Guide to Plymouth, pp. 129, 245, 246. 

His wife, Bridget, who came in the See further under the year 1633. — Ed. 

34 



266 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in covenante, 
to walke togither in all y e ways of God, and every member 
(being men) are to have a free voyce in y e choyce of their offi- 
cers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that these 2. men were so 
quallified, as y e apostle speaks to Timothy, wher he saith, A 
bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, &c, I thinke I may 
say, as y e eunuch said unto Philip, What should let from being 
baptised, seeing ther was water? and he beleeved. So these 2. 
servants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being 
thus fitted,) we saw noe reason but we might freely give our 
voyces for their election, after this triall.* So M r . Skelton was 
chosen pastor, and M r . Higgison to be teacher ; and they ac- 
cepting y e choyce, M r . Higgison, with 3. or 4. of y e gravest 
members of y e church, laid their hands on M r . Skelton, using 
prayer therwith. This being done, ther was imposission of 
hands on M r . Higgison also.f And since that time, Thursday 
(being, as I take it, y e 6. of August) is appoynted for another 
day of humilliation, for y e choyce of elders & deacons, & ordain- 
ing of them.* 

And now, good S r , I hope y l you & y e rest of Gods people 
(who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say 
that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed 
servants of y e Lord came in at y e dore, and not at y e window. 
Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these few lines, 
desiring you to remember us, &c. And so rest, 

At your service in what I may, 

Charles Gott.§ 

Salem, July 30. 1629. 

* " Their choice was after this man- J According to Morton, Skelton and 

ner : every fit member wrote, in a note, Higginson were ordained August 6th, 

his name whom the Lord moved him to and Governor Bradford and some others, 

think was fit for a pastor, and so like- who intended to be present, " coming 

wise whom they would have for teach- by sea, were hindered by cross winds, 

er. So the most voice was for Mr. that they could not be there at the be- 

Skelton to be pastor and Mr. Higgin- ginning of the day, but they came into 

son to be teacher." See the copy of the assembly afterward, and gave them 

this letter in Bradford's Letter-Book, the right hand of fellowship." Prince 

Messrs. Skelton and Higginson had suggests that the former imposition of 

arrived at Salem in the latter part of hands, on the 20th of July, "may only 

the preceding June. — Ed. signify their previous separation from 

•j- " Then there was proceeding in their solemn charge," having been be- 

election of elders and deacons, but they fore ordained by bishops; "and this 

were only named, and laying on of latter, of August 6th, their actual in- 

hands deferred, to see if it pleased God vestiture therein." See Morton's Me- 

to send us more able men over." Brad- morial, pp. 75, 76 ; Prince, I. 191. — Ed. 

ford's Letter-Book. — Ed. § Mr. Gott came over to Salem in 









1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 267 

[174] Anno Dom: 1630. 

Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good 
parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home,* 
and would not pay for y e goods he had had of y e planta- 
tion hear, but lett them stand still on y e score, and tooke 
up still more. Now though they well enough knew his 
aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into Eng- 
land. But partly y e beaver they received, & sould, (of 
which they weer sencible,) and partly by M r . Allertons 
extolling of him, they cast more how to supplie him then 
y e plantation, and something to upbraid them with it. 
They j* were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish 
her w th a m r . & men, to transporte his come & provis- 
sions (of which he put of much) ; for y e Indeans of those 
parts have no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is 
ready, y e weather grows foule, and y e seas dangerous, so as 
he could doe litle good with his shallope for y l purposs. 

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring,} 
by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been 
at charg to keepe a stage for her ; but none came, nor 
any supply heard of for them. At length they heard 
sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at 
which they something marvelled, and the more y l they 
had no letters either from M r . Allerton or M r . Sherley ; so 
they went on in their bussines as well as y e could. At last 
they heard of M r . Peirce his arivall in y e Bay of y e Mas- 
sachusetts, who brought passengers & goods thither. § 

1628, with Endicott, and was after- Winthrop at Salem, June 12, 1630; 

wards a deacon of the church there, sails for Ireland or England about Aug. 

See Hubbard, p. 109 ; Young's Chron- 1630 ; set sail from England, viz. from 

icles of Massachusetts, p. 30.-6^. Bristoll, Dec. 1, 1630; arrives from 

* I suppose this was in the fall of England at Natasket, Feb. 5, 1630-1 ; 

1630. — Prince. sails from Salem, April 1, arrives 

f They, that is, the New Plymouth at London, April 29, 1631; arrives 

Undertakers. — Prince. again from England at Natasket, Nov. 

X This must be the spring of 1631, 2, 1631; as Governor Winthrop in- 

i. e. the spring after Ashley went to forms us, and see the note below. By 

Eenobscut. — Prince. all which Governor Bradford seems 

§ Mr. Peirce is found by Governor to be mistaken or misinformed of the 



268 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should 
have some thing by him. But he tould them he had none ; 
and a ship was sett out on fishing, but after 11. weeks 
beating at sea, she mett with shuch foull weather as she 
was forcte back againe for England, and, y e season being 
over, gave off y e vioage.* Neither did he hear of much 
goods in her for y e plantation, or y l she did belong to them, 
for he had heard some thing from M r . Allerton tending 
that way. But M r . Allerton had bought another ship, 
and was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to y e east- 
ward, and to bring goods, &c. These things did much 
trouble them, and half astonish them. M r . Winslow haveing 
been to y e eastward, brought nuese of the like things, w th 
some more perticulers, and y l it was like M r . Allerton would 
be late before he came. At length they, having an opper- 
tunitie, resolved to send M r . Winslow, with what beaver 
they had ready, into England, to see how y e squars wente, 
being very jeolouse of these things, & M r . Allertons courses ; 
and writ shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as 
they thought meet ; and if he found things not well, to 
discharge M r . Allerton for being any longer agent for 
them, or to deal any more in y e bussines, and to see how y e 
accounts stood, &c. 

Aboute y e midle of somer arrives M r . Hatherley in y e 
Bay of y e Massachusetts, (being one of y e partners,) and 
came over in y e same ship that was set out on fhishing 
(called y e Frendship).*|* They presently sent to him, 
making no question but now they had goods come, and 
should know how all things stood. But they found 



name of the master of this ship. — " The ship called the Friendship, 

Prince. of 'Barnstable, arrived at Boston, after 

* Governor Winthrop says, the news she had been at sea eleven weeks, and 

of this comes to Boston by letters from beaten back again by foul weather. 

Mr. Allerton at Saco, in the White She set sail from Barnstable again 

Angel, on June 27, 1631. — Prince. about the midst of May. She land- 

f The Friendship arrives at Boston, ed here eight heifers, and one calf, 

on July 14, 1631, as Governor Win- and five sheep." Winthrop, I. 58. 

throp tells us. — Prince. — Ed. 



1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 269 

[175] the former news true, how this ship had been so 
long at sea, and spente and spoyled her provissions, and 
overthrowne y e viage. And he being sent over by y e rest 
of y e partners, to see how things wente hear, being at Bris- 
toll with M r . Allerton, in y e shipe bought (called y e 
White- Angell), ready to set sayle, over night came a 
messenger from Bastable to M r . Allerton, and tould him 
of y e returne of y e ship, and what had befallen. And he 
not knowing what to doe, having a great chareg under 
hand, y e ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set 
sayle, got him to goe and discharg y e ship,* and take order 
for y e goods. To be short, they found M r . Hatherley 
some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (M r . Allerton 
not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose of y e goods 
till he came ; but he heard he was arived with y e other 
ship to y e eastward,*]* and expected his coming. But he 
tould them ther was not much for them in this ship, only 
2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2. hoggsheads of mea- 
theglin, drawne out in wooden nackets (but when these 
nackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons 
of y e 2. hogsheads, it being drunke up under y e name 
leackage, and so lost). But the ship was filled with goods 
for sundrie gentle-men, & others, that were come to plant 
in y e Massachusets, for which they payed fraight by y e 
tun. And this was all the satisfaction they could have 
at presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods & 
returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure ; which 
made them much to marvell therat. The letter was as 
followeth. 

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c. 

Breefly thus : wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and 
a trading ship, which later we have bought ; and so have dis- 
bursed a great deale of money, as may and will appeare by y e 

* That is, of her fishing crew. — f That is, the White Angel at Saco, 
Prince. in June, 1631. — Prince. 



270 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

accounts. And because this ship (called y e White Angell) is to 
acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing for bass, and trading ; and 
that while M r . Allerton was imployed aboute y e trading, the 
fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglecte of y e sailors, we 
have entreated your and our loving friend, M r . Hatherley, to goe 
over with him, knowing he will be a comforte to M r . Allerton, 
a joye to you, to see a carfull and loving friend, and a great 
stay to y e bussines ; and so great contente to us, that if it should 
please God y e one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet y e other 
would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we are 
now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you 
withall, &c. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a 
peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to you, & your 
agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks & com- 
endations, both of you & us, for his pains, &c.) ; but now we are 
out double, nay, trible a peece, some of us, &c. ; which maks 
us both write, and send over our friend, M r . Hatherley, whom 
we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we doubte not of. 
The main end of sending him is to see y e state and accounte of 
all y e bussines, of all which we pray you informe him fully, 
though y e ship & bussines wayte for it and him. For we should 
take it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a 
journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could 
not give us contente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through 
defaulte of any of you. [176] But we hope you will so order 
bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, 
but to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, &c. 
I will not promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effecte y e full 
desire and grant of your patente,* & that ere it be longe. I 
would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have not write 
out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly sa- 
luted in y e Lord, so I rest, 

Yours in what I may, 
March 25. 1630.f James Sherley. 

It needs not be thought strange, that these things should 
amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing ship J 

* See pp. 250, 251. — Ed. misdate his letter, which should have 

f Mr. Sherley, being unmindful that, been March 25, 1631. — Prince. 

according to the old English way, 1630 % That is, the Friendship. —Prince. 

ended on March 24, 1630-1, happens to 



1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 271 

should be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, & 
scarce any of theirs ; seeing their maine end was (as is 
before remembred) to bring them a full supply, and their 
speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. 
And now a ship to come on their accounte, clean contrary 
to their both end & order, was a misterie they could not 
understand ; and so much y e worse, seeing she had shuch 
ill success as to lose both her vioage & provissions. The 
2. thing, that another ship* should be bought and sente out 
on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on 
by any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of 
by any here, either by word or letter, neither could they 
imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt 
at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on it, they 
looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne 
to loss. And for M r . Allerton to follow any trade for 
them, it was never in their thoughts. And 3 ly , that their 
frieds should complaine of disbursements, and yet rune 
into such great things, and charge of shiping & new pro- 
jects of their owne heads, not only without, but against, 
all order & advice, was to them very Strang. And 4 ly , that 
all these matters of so great charg & imployments should 
be thus wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they 
knew not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts 
they must have patience till M r . Allerton & M r . Hatherley 
should come. In y e mean time M r . Winslow was gone 
for England ; f and others of them were forst to folow their 
imployments with y e best means they had, till they could 
hear of better. 

At length M r . Hatherley & M r . Allerton came unto 
them, (after they had delivered their goods,) J and finding 

* That is, the White Angel.— Prince. Mr. Hatherly arrived in the Friend- 
f Which seems to be before July 14, ship at Boston, July 14, 1631. Mr. 
1631, when the Friendship arrived with Allerton arrived in the White Angel 
Mr. Hatherly at Boston. — Prince. at the Massachusetts Bay, July 22, 
% By this it appears that Mr. Aller- 1631. The Friendship sails from Bos- 
ton and Hatherly arrive in the spring or ton for Christopher Isle on July 29, 1631. 
summer of 1631 . The White Angel sets sail from Boston 



272 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

them strucken with some sadnes aboute these things, M r . 
Allerton tould them that y e ship Whit-Angele did not 
belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they 
have any thing to doe with her, excepte they would. And 
M r . Hatherley confirmed y e same, and said that they would 
have had him to have had a parte, but he refused ; but he 
made question whether they would not turne her upon y e 
generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was 
like), seeing M r . Allerton laid downe this course, and put 
them on this projecte. But for y e fishing ship, he tould 
them they need not be so much troubled, for he had her 
accounts here, and showed them that her first seting out 
came not much to exceed 600 h . as they might see by y e 
accounte, which he showed them ; and for this later viage,* 
it would arrise to profite by y e fraight of y e goods, and y e 
salle of some katle which he shiped and had allready sould, 
& was to be paid for partly here & partly by bills into 
England, so as they should not have this put on their 
acounte at all, except they [177] would. And for y e for- 
mer, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, 
and imployed y e money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither 
with such goods & implements as M r . Allerton must need 
aboute his fishing, would rise to a good parte of y e money ; 
for he must have y e sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c. ; 
all which would rise to nere 400 H . ; so, with y e bearing of 
their parts of y e rest of y e loses (which would not be much 
above 200 H .), they would clear them of this whole accounte. 
Of which motion they were glad, not being willing to have 
any accounts lye upon them ; but aboute their trade, which 
made them willing to harken therunto, and demand of 
M r . Hatherley how he could make this good, if they 



for New Plymouth, but hindered by Plymouth," July 30th. See Winthrop, 

contrary winds, and a week after runs I. 57-59. — Ed. 

ashore at the Gurnet's Nose ; (and no * That is, after she had been forced 

doubt Mr. Allerton and Hatherly go to back to Barnstable and discharged of 

New Plymouth in her). — Prince. her fishing crew, and now came on 

"The White Angel fell down for freight. — Prince. 



1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 273 

should agree their unto, he tould them he was sent over 
as their agente, and had this order from them, that what- 
soever he and M r . Allerton did togeather, they would stand 
to it ; but they would not alow of what M r . Allerton did 
alone, except they liked it ; but if he did it alone, they 
would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him 
& M r . Allerton all y e rest of y e goods, and gave them pres- 
ent possession of them ; and a writing was made, and con- 
firmed under both M r . Hatherleys and M r . Allertons hands, 
to y e effecte afforesaide. And M r . Allertone, being best 
aquainted w th y e people, sould away presenly all shuch 
goods as he had no need of for y e fishing, as 9. shallop 
sails, made of good new canvas, and y e roads for them 
being all new, with sundry such usefull goods, for ready 
beaver, by M r . Hatherleys allowance. And thus they 
thought they had well provided for them selvs. Yet they 
rebuked M r . Allerton very much for runing into these 
courses, fearing y e success of them. M r . Allerton & M r . 
Hatherley brought to y e towne with them (after he had 
sould what he could abroad) a great quantity of other 
goods besids trading comodities ; as linen cloath, bedticks, 
stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c., and tould them they 
were to have them, if they would ; but they tould M r . 
Allerton that they had forbid him before for bringing any 
such on their accounte ; it would hinder their trade and 
returnes. But he & M r . Hatherley said, if they would 
not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and 
take corne for what they could not otherwise sell. They 
tould them they might, if they had order for it. The 
goods of one sorte & other came to upward of 500* 1 . 

After these things, M r . Allerton wente to y e ship* 
aboute his bass fishing ; and M r . Hatherley, (according to 
his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood at 
y e plantation, (of all which they informed him fully,) he 

* The White Angel. — Ed. 

35 



274 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

then desired a boate of them to goe and visite y e trading 
houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Penobscote ; for 
so they in England had injoyned him. They accordingly 
furnished him with a boate & men for y e viage, and aquaint- 
ed him plainly & thorowly with all things ; by which he 
had good contente and satisfaction, and saw plainly y* M r . 
Allerton plaid his owne game, and rane a course not only 
to y e great wrong & detrimente of y e plantation, who im- 
ployed & trusted him, but abused them in England also, 
in possessing them with prejudice against y e plantation ; 
as y l they would never be able to repaye their moneys (in 
regard of their great charge), but if [179]* they would 
follow his advice and projects, he & Ashley (being well 
supplyed) would quickly bring in their moneys with good 
advantage. M r . Hatherley disclosed also a further projecte 
aboute y e setting out of this ship, y e White-angell ; how, 
she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to 
have made a great fight at sea (when she belongd to 
Bristoll) and caried away y e victory, they had agreed (by 
M r . Allerton's means) that, after she had brought a fraight 
of goods here into y e countrie, and fraight her selfe with 
fish, she should goe from hence to Port of porte,f and 
ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordenarice ; and had, 
for this end, had speech with a factore of those parts, 
beforehand, to whom she should have been consigned. 
But this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,) 
partly by y e contrary advice given by their freinds hear 
to M r . Allerton & M r . Hatherley, showing how it might 
insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) if 
it should come to be knowne ; and for y e plantation, they 
did and would disalow it, and protest against it ; and 
partly by their bad viage, for they both came too late to 
doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked 
and drunken company as neither M r . Allerton nor any els 

* 178 is omitted in the paging of the f Oporto, called by the Dutch Port 
original manuscript. — Ed. a port.-t^ ■ 



1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 275 

could rule ; as M r . Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, 
saw, & beheld, and all others that came nere them. 

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before M r . Hather- 
ley returned,*) for trading powder & shote with y e In- 
deans ; and was ceased upon by some in authoritie, who 
allso would have confiscated above a thousand weight of 
beaver ; but y e goods were freed, for y e Gov r here made it 
appere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was 
bound to them in 500 K . not to trade any munition with y e 
Indeans, or other wise to abuse him selfe ; it was also 
manifest against him that he had comited uncleannes 
with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first 
imployment, which made them take this strict course with 
him in y e begining) ; so, to be shorte, they gott their goods 
freed, but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may 
make an end concerning him, after some time of imprison- 
mente in y e Fleet, by y e means of friends he was set at 
liberty, and intended to come over againe, but y e Lord 
prevented it ; for he had a motion made to him, by some 
marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had such good 
skill in y e beaver trade, the which he accepted of, and in 
his returne home was cast away at sea ; this was his end. 

M r . Hatherley, fully understanding y e state of all things, 
had good satisfaction, and could well informe them how 
all things stood betweene M r . Allerton and y e plantation. 
Yea, he found y l M r . Allerton had gott within him, and 
[180] got all y e goods into his owne hands, for which M r . 
Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute y e 
ship-Freidship, as also most of y e fraigte money, besids 
some of his owne perticuler estate ; about w ch more will 
appear here after. So he returned into England, j* and 

* That is, before Mr. Hatherly re- Mr. Hatherly, to Bristoll, where they 

turned in the New Plymouth boat from arrive before Nov. 16, 1631, as appears 

Kennebeek and Penobscut in August, from Mr. Edward Winslow's letter of 

1631. — Prince. Nov. 16. and Mr. Sherley's of Nov. 

f 1631, Sept. 6. The White Angel 19, 1631, pp. 182, 183.— Prince. 

set sail from Boston to Marble Har- The pages of the original manuscript 

bour ; and so, with Mr. Allerton and are here referred to. — Ed. 



276 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

they sente a good quantity of beaver with him to y e rest 
of y e partners ; so both he and it was very wellcome unto 
them. 

M r . Allerton followed his affaires, & returned with his 
White Angell, being no more imployed by y e plantation ; 
but these bussinesses were not ended till many years after, 
nor well understood of a longe time, but foulded up in 
obscuritie, & kepte in y e clouds, to y e great loss & vexa- 
tion of y e plantation, who in y e end were (for peace sake) 
forced to bear y e unjust burthen of them, to their allmost 
undoing, as will appear, if God give life to finish this 
history. 

They sent their letters also by M r . Hatherley to y e part- 
ners ther, to show them how M r . Hatherley & M r . Allerton 
had discharged them of y e Friendships accounte, and that 
they boath affirmed y l the White- Angell did not at all 
belong to them ; and therfore desired that their accounte 
might not be charged therwith. Also they write to M r . 
Winslow, their agente, that he in like maner should (in 
their names) protest against it, if any such thing should 
be intended, for they would never yeeld to y e same. As 
allso to signifie to them that they renounsed M r . Allerton 
wholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe 
in any of their bussines. 

This year John Billinton y e elder (one that came over 
with y e first) was arrained, and both by grand & petie 
jurie* found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine & noto- 
rious evidence. And was for the same accordingly exe- 
cuted, f This, as it was y e first execution amongst them, 

* " It was ordained 17 day of De- execution of Billington as taking place 

cember An 1623, by the Court then " about September" of this year. "The 

held, that all criminal facts and also all murtherer expected that, either for want 

matters of trespasses and debts between of power to execute for capital offences, 

man and man should be tried by the or for want of people to increase the 

verdict of twelve honest men to be plantation, he should have his life 

impanelled by authority in form of a spared ; but justice otherwise deter- 

jury upon their oath." Plymouth Col- mined, and rewarded him, the first 

ony Laws, Brig-ham's edition. — Ed. murtherer of his neighbour there, with 

f Hubbard, on page 101, notices the the deserved punishment of death, for 



1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 277 

so was it a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used 
all due means about his triall, and tooke y e advice of M r . 
Winthrop and other y e ablest gentle-men in y e Bay of y e 
Massachusets, that were then new-ly come over, who con- 
cured with them y l he ought to dye, and y e land to be 
purged from blood. He and some of his had been often 
punished for miscariags before, being one of y e profanest 
families amongst them. They came from London, and I 
know not by what freinds shufled into their company. 
His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John 
JNew-comin, (about a former quarell,) and shote him with 
a gune, wlierof he dyed.* 

Having by a providence a letter or to y l came to my 
hands concerning the proceedings of their Re d : freinds in 
y e Bay of y e Massachusets, who were latly come over, I 
thought it not amise here to inserte them, (so farr as is 
pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I 
conclude this year. 

S r : Being at Salem y e 25. of July, being y e saboath, after y e 
eveing exercise, M r . Johnson received a letter from y e Gov r , M r . 
John Winthrop, manifesting y e hand of God to be upon them, 
and against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sick- 
nes, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing y e right- 
eous, but partaking with y e wicked in these bodily judgments. 
It was therfore by his desire taken into y e Godly consideration 
of y e best hear, what was to be done to pacifie y e Lords wrath,f 
&c. Wher it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought 
in righteousnes ; and to that end, y e 6. day (being Friday) of this 
present weeke, is set aparte, that they may humble them selves 

a warning toothers." The first offence f " And they would do nothing with- 

committed in the colony was by Billing- out our advice, I mean those members 

ton, in 1621, who, for contempt of the of our church there known unto them, 

Captain's lawful command, with oppro- viz. Mr. Fuller, Mr. Allerton, and my- 

brious speeches, was adjudged to have self, requiring our voices as their own." 

his neck and heels tied together. See copy of this letter in Bradford's 

Prince, I. 103, from Bradford's pocket- Letter-Book. This and the portion of 

book. — Ed. a letter following, from Fuller, were 

* This paragraph was written on the copied by Morton into the Plymouth 

reverse of page 180 of the original Church Records. — Ed. 
manuscript, near this place. — Ed. 



278 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

before God, and seeke him in his ordenances ; and that then also 
such godly persons that are amongst them, and know each to 
other, may publickly, at y e end of their exercise, make known 
their Godly desire, and practise y e same, viz. solemly to enter 
into [181] covenante with y e Lord to walke in his ways. And 
since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to live 
in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst 
them, ther to observe y e day, and become 3. distincte bodys ; 
not then intending rashly to proceed to y e choyce of officers, 
or y e admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to 
witte, such as are well knowne unto them ; promising after to 
receive in such by confession of faith, as shall appeare to be 
fitly qualified for y estate. They doe ernestly entreate that 
y e church of Plimoth would set apparte y e same day, for y e 
same ends, beseeching y e Lord, as to withdraw his hand of 
correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in 
his wayes. And though y e time be shorte, we pray you be pro- 
vocked to this godly worke, seing y e causes are so urgente; 
wherin God will be honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have 
sweete comforte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c. 

Your brethren in Christ,* &c. 
Salem, July 26. 1630. 

S r : &c. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and 
many are dead ; y e Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are 
here entered into church covenante ; the first were 4. namly, y e 
Gov r , M r . John Winthrop, M r . Johnson, M r . Dudley, and M r . 
Willson ; since that 5. more are joyned unto them, and others, it 
is like, will adde them selves to them dayly ; the Lord increase 
them, both in number and. in holines for his mercie sake. Here 
is a gentleman, one M r . Cottington.f (a Boston man,) who tould 

* Signed by Samuel Fuller and Arbella, arriving at Salem on the 12th 

Edward Winslow, but evidently writ- of the preceding June. Becoming in- 

ten by the latter. It is addressed, volved in the Antinomian controversy, 

" To our loving brethren and Chris- and siding with Mrs. Hutchinson, he, 

tian friends, Mr. William Bradford, in April, 1638, removed to Rhode Island, 

Mr. Ralph Smith, and Mr. William of which colony he was several years 

Brewster, these be." — Bradford's Let- Governor. He afterwards became a 

ter-Book. — Ed. Quaker. A curious and interesting 

f The person here intended is Wil- tract written by him was published in 

liam Coddington, one of the founders 1674, entitled, " A Demonstration of 

of Rhode Island. He was chosen an True Love unto You the Rulers of the 

Assistant of the Massachusetts Com- Colony of the Massachusetts in New 

pany shortly before the sailing of Win- England," &c. It consists chiefly of two 

throp's fleet, and came over in the letters to Richard Bellingham, dated 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 279 

me, that M r . Cottons * charge at Hamton was, that they should 
take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend 
them.f Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to 
see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and y e good per- 
swasion they have of us ; others to see whether we be so ill as 
they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love 
to God and his saincts ; the Lord make us more and more answer- 
able, and that it may be more then a name, or els it will doe us 
no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. 
The Lord Jesus blese us, and y e whole Israll of God. Amen. 

Your loving brother,^ &c. 
Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630. 

Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been 
prodused by his hand y l made all things of nothing, and 
gives being to all things that are ; and as one small candle 
may light a thousand, so y e light here kindled hath shone 
to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation ; let y e 
glorious name of Jehova have all y e praise. 

[182] Anno Dom: 1631. 

Ashley being thus by y e hand of God taken away, and 
M r . Allerton discharged of his imploymente for them,§ 
their bussines began againe to rune in one chanell, and 
them selves better able to guide the same, Penobscote 
being wholy now at their disposing. And though M r . 
"William Peirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet 

1672, in which he complains of the in the same year, entitled " God's 
treatment he had received from his old Promise to his Plantation." See Scot- 
companions, alluding also to the suf- tow's Narrative, pp. 13,20. — Ed. 
ferings of the Quakers. Ample notices f This single sentence was written 
of Coddington may be found in Callen- in a previous letter of Fuller to Gov- 
der's Historical Discourse, and in Sav- ernor Bradford, as appears from his 
age's Winthrop. — Ed. Letter-Book, and is dated, " Massa- 

* The Reverend John Cotton, then chusetts, June 28, Anno 1630.— bet, 

vicar of St. Botolph's Church at J " Your loving brother-in-law, 

Boston, in Lincolnshire, accompanied Samuel Fuller." See Bradford's Let- 

his, friends to Southampton, as they ter-Book, where is this letter entire, 

were to embark in Winthrop's fleet for addressed to Governor Bradford. — Ed. 

New England, and there preached a § In August, 1631. — Prince. 

farewell sermon, which was published See pp. 275, 276. — Ed. 



280 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

now, as things stood, he was glad to have his money re- 
payed him, and stand out. M r . Winslow, whom they had 
sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he 
could; and afterwards when he came, which was some- 
thing longe * by reason of bussines, he brought a large 
supply of suitable goods with him, by which ther trading 
was well carried on. But by no means either he, or y e 
letters y ey write, could take off M r . Sherley & y e rest from 
putting both y e Friendship and Whit-Angell on y e gen- 
erall accounte; which caused continuall contention be- 
tweene them, as will more appeare. 

I shall inserte a leter of M r . Winslow's about these 
things, being as foloweth. 

S r : It fell out by Gods providence, y l I received and brought 
your leters p r M r . Allerton from Bristoll, to London ; and doe 
much feare what will be y e event of things. M r . Allerton in- 
tended to prepare y e ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. M r . 
Sherley, M r . Beachamp, & M r . Andrews, they renounce all per- 
ticulers, protesting but for us they would never have adventured 
one penie into those parts ; M r . Hatherley stands inclinable to 
either. And wheras you write that he and M r . Allerton have 
taken y e Whit-Angell upon them, for their partners here, they 
professe they neiver gave any such order, nor will make it good; 
if them selves will cleare y e accounte & doe it> all shall be well. 
What y e evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord 
so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by our 
divissions. I hear (p r a freind) that I was much blamed for 
speaking w l f I heard in y e spring of y e year, concerning y e buy- 
ing & setting forth of y l ship ; J sure, if I should not have tould 
you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which report I offered 
now to prove at Bristoll), I should have been unworthy my im- 
ploymente. And concerning y e comission so long since given 
to M r . Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come upon 
us ;' for M r . Sherley & y e rest have it, and will not deliver it, 
that being y e ground of our agents credite to procure shuch 

* Arriving at Boston on June 5, f W th in manuscript. — Ed. 
1632. — Prince. J This was about y e selling ye ship in 

See Winthrop I. 178. — Ed. Spaine. [In Oporto ? See p. 274.— Ed.] 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 281 

great sumes. But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and 
sower looks, from sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting 
y e former. I would I had a more thankfull imploymente ; but 
I hope a good conscience shall make it comefortable, &c. 

Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631. 

The comission above said was given by them under 
their hand and seale, when M r . Allerton was first imployed 
by them,* and redemanded of him in y e year 29. when 
they begane to suspecte his course. He tould them it 
was amongst his papers, but he would seeke it out & give 
it them before he wente. But he being ready to goe, it 
was demanded againe. He said he could not find it, but 
it was amongst his papers, which he must take w th him, 
[183] and he would send it by y e boat from y e eastward; 
but ther it could not be had neither, but he would seeke 
it up at sea. But whether M r . Sherley had it before or 
after, it is not certaine ; but having it, he would not let it 
goe, but keeps it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst 
freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not 
lett things of this nature lye long unrecaled. 

Some parts of M r . Sherley' s letters aboute these things, in 
which y e truth is best manifested. 

S r : Yours I have received by our loving friends, M r . Allerton 
& M r . Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long & dangerous 
passage with y e ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. M r . 
Hatherley is come up, but M r . Allerton I have not yet seen. We 
thanke you, and are very glad you have disswaded him from his 
Spanish viage, and y l he did not goe on in these designes he 
intended ; for we did all uterly dislick of that course, as allso 
of y e fishing y l y e Freindship should have performed ; for we 
wished him to sell y e salte, and were unwilling to have him 
undertake so much bussines, partly for y e ill success we formerly 
had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so much 
money. But he perswaded us this must be one way y l must 
repay us, for y e plantation would be long in doing of it ; ney, to 

* See p. 210 ; the commission is in Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed. 

36 



282 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

my rememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with y e 
trade ther, to maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this 
very cause he brought us on y l bussines with Ed: Ashley, for 
he was a stranger to us, &c. 

For y e fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and will 
be willing to bear our parts. What M r . Hatherley & M r . Aller- 
ton have done, no doubt but them selves will make good;* we 
gave them no order to make any composition, to seperate you 
and us in this or any other. And I thinke you have no cause 
to forsake us, for we put you upon no new thing, but what your 
agent perswaded us to, & you by your letters desired. If he 
exceede your order, I hope you will not blame us, much less I 
cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, &c. But I fear 
neither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you 
write, halfe 4000 H ., nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in 
seasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were. 
And yet for all this, and much more I might write, I dare not 
but thinke him honest, and that his desire and intente was good ; 
but y e wisest may faile. Well, now y l it hath pleased God to 
give us hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore 
to perfecte these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly we 
can. And I supposs you sente over M r . Winslow, and we M r . 
Hatherley, to certifie each other how y e state of things stood. 
We have received some contente upon M r . Hatherley's returne, 
and I hope you will receive good contente upon M r . Winslow's 
returne. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your 
letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of y e White 
Angele on your accounte could not be more Strang to you, then 
y e buying of her was to us ; for you gave him comissionf that 

* They were too short in resting on on a verball order from them ; which 

M r . Hatherleys honest word, for his was now denyed, when it came to a 

order to discharg them from y e Friend- perticuler of loss ; but he still affirmed 

ship's accounte, when he and M*. Aller- the same. But they were both now 

ton made y c bargane with them, and taught how to deale in y e world, es- 

they delivered them the rest of y e goods; petially with marchants, in such cases, 

and therby gave them oppertunitie also But in y e end this light upon these here 

to receive all thefraight of boath viages, also, for M r . Allerton had gott all into 

without seeing an order (to have such his owne hand, and M r . Hatherley was 

power) under their hands in writing, not able to pay it, except they would 

which they never doubted of, seeing he have uterlie undon him, as y° sequell 

affirmed he had power ; and they both will manifest. 

knew his honestie, and y l he was spe- f This comission is abused ; he never 

tially imployed for their agente at this had any for shuch end, as they well 

time. And he was as shorte in resting knew, nether had they any to pay this 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 283 

what he did you would stand too ; we gave him none, and yet 
for his credite, and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, 
&c. For y l I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade ; 
beleeve me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade, 
nor will side with any y l doth, if I conceive it may wrong you ; 
for I ever was against it, useing these words : They will eate up 
and destroy y e generall. 

Other things I omite as tedious, and not very perte- 
nente. This was dated Nov r . 19. 1631. 

In an other leter bearing date y e 24. of this month, be- 
ing an answer to y e generall order, he hath these words : — 

[184] For y e White Angell, against which you write so ernest- 
ly, and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to y e intente of y e 
buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. 
"We will not take uppon us to devine what y e thougts or intents 
of y e buyer was, but what he spack we heard, and that we will 
affirme, and make good against any y l oppose it ; which is, 
y l unles shee were bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley 
could not be supplyed ; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we 
could not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, 
you w T ere not able to doe it ; and he gave some reasons which 
we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you 
will force us, and so hasten y l fire which is a kindling too fast 
allready, &c. 

Out of another of his, hearing date Jan. 2. 1631.* 

We purpose to keep y e Freidship and y e Whit Angell, for 
y e last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither 
they will rather produse profite then loss, and breed less confu- 
tion in our accounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As 
for y e White Angell, though we layed out y e money, and tooke 
bills of salle in our owne names, yet none of us had so much as 
a thought (I dare say) of deviding from you in any thing this 
year, because we would not have y e world (I may say Bristoll) 
take notice of any breach betwixte M r . Allerton and you, and 
he and us ; and so disgrace him in his proceedings on in his in- 

money, nor would have paid a peny, if * That is, January 2, 1631-2. — 

they had not pleased for some other Prince. 

respecte. 



284 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

tended viage. We have now let him y e ship at 30* 1 . p r month, 
by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000 tt . to per- 
forme covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And 
what he brings in her for you, shall be marked w th your marke, 
and bils of laden taken, & sent in M r . Winsiows letter, who is 
this day riding to Bristoll about it. So in this viage, we deale 
& are with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of 
accounts, one for y e company, an other for Ashley's bussines, 
and y e third for y e Whit-Angell and Freldship. The books, or 
coppies, we purpose to send you, for you may discover y e errours 
in them better then we. "We can make it appear how much 
money he hath had of us, and you can charg him with all y e 
beaver he hath had of you. The totall sume, as he hath put 
it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and given to M r . 
Vines* & others, aboute 543 H . ode money, and then by your 
books you will find whether you had such, & so much goods, as 
he chargeth you with all ; and this is all that I can say at pres- 
ente concerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them 
in a few howers, but he and Straton & Fogge were above a 
month aboute them ; but he could not stay till we had examined 
them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he hath allready 
done, &c. 

We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send 
each to other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate & 
chargable course one year more, we had not been able to suport 
him ; nay, both he and we must have lyen in y e ditch, and sunck 
under y e burthen, &c. Had ther been an orderly course taken, 
and your bussines better managed, assuredly (by y e blessing of 
God) you had been y e ablest plantation that, as we think, or 
know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, &c. 

Thus farr of these letters of M r . Sheiiey's. 

[185] A few observations from y e former letters, and 
then I shall set downe the simple truth of y e things (thus 
in controversie betweene them), at least as farr as by any 
good evidence it could be made to appeare ; and so laboure 
to be breefe in so tedious and intricate a bussines, which 
hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before 

* Doubtless Richard Vines, mentioned on page 191, note. — Ed. 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 285 

y e same was ended. That though ther will be often occa- 
sion to touch these things about other passages, yet I shall 
not neede to be large therin ; doing it hear once for all. 

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's bussines, 
and y e buying of this ship, and y e courses framed ther 
upon, were first contrived and proposed by M r . Allerton, 
as also y l the pleaes and pretences which he made, of y e 
inablitie of y e plantation to repaye their moneys, &c, and 
y e hops he gave them of doing it with profite, was more 
beleeved & rested on by them (at least some of them) then 
any thing y e plantation did or said. 

2. It is like, though M r . Allerton might thinke not to 
wrong y e plantation in y e maine, yet his owne gaine and 
private ends led him a side in these things ; for it came to 
be knowne, and I have it in a letter under M r . Sherley's 
hand, that in y e first 2. or 3. years of his imploymente, he 
had cleared up 400 H . and put it into a brew-house of M 1 *. 
Colliers in London, at first under M r . Sherley's name, &c. ; 
besids what he might have other wise. Againe, M r . Sher- 
ley and he had perticuler dealings in some things ; for 
he bought up y e beaver that sea-men & other passengers 
brought over to Bristoll, and at other places, and charged 
y e bills to London, which M r . Sherley payed ; and they got 
some time 50 H . a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by 
M r . Hatherley & others, besids what might be other wise ; 
which might make M r . Sherley harken unto him in many 
things ; and yet I beleeve, as he in his foremen tioned leter 
write, he never would side in any perticuler trade w ch he 
conceived would wrong y e plantation, and eate up & de- 
stroy y e generall. 

3 ly . It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so 
much for y e plantation, both in former adventures and late 
disbursements, and allso that M r . Allerton was y e first oc- 
casioner of bringing them upon these new designes, which 
at first seemed faire & profitable unto them, and unto 
which they agreed ; but now, seeing them to turne to loss, 



286 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

and decline to greater intanglments, they thought it more 
meete for y e plantation to bear them, then them selves, 
who had borne much in other things allready, and so 
tooke advantage of such comission & power as M r . Aller- 
ton had formerly had as their agente, to devolve these 
things upon them. 

4 ly . With pitie and compassion (touching M r . Allerton) 
I may say with y e apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 6. 9. They 
that will be rich fall into many temtations and snares, §*c, 
and pearce them selves throw with many sorrows, fyc. ; for 
the love of money is y e roote of all evill, v. 10. God give 
him to see y e evill in his failings, that he may find mercie 
by repentance for y e wrongs he hath done to any, and this 
pore plantation in spetiall. They that doe such things 
doe not only bring them selves into snares, and sorrows, 
but many with them, (though in an other kind,) as lam- 
entable experience shows ; and it is too manifest in this 
bussines. 

[186] Now about these ships & their setting forth, the 
truth, as farr as could be learned, is this. The motion 
aboute setting forth y e fishing ship (caled y e Frindship) 
came first from y e plantation, and y e reasons of it, as is 
before remembered; but wholy left to them selves to doe 
or not to doe, as thev saw cause. But when it fell into 
consideration, and y e designe was held to be profitable 
and hopefull, it was propounded by some of them, why 
might not they doe it of them selves, seeing they must 
disburse all y e money, and w r hat need they have any ref- 
ferance to y e plantation in y l ; they might take y e profite 
them selves, towards other losses, & need not let y e plan- 
tation share therin ; and if their ends were other wise 
answered for their supplyes to come too them in time, 
it would be well enough. So they hired her, & set her 
out, and fraighted her as full as she could carry with pas- 
sengers goods y l belonged to y e Massachussets, which rise 
to a good sume of money ; intending to send y e planta- 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 287 

tions supply in y e other ship. The effecte of this M r . 
Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occasion, but 
affirmed upon othe, taken before y e Gov r & Dep: Gov r of 
y e Massachusets, M r . Winthrop & M r . Dudley : That this 
ship-Frindship was not sett out nor intended for y e joynt 
partnership of y e plantation, but for y e perticuler accounte 
of M r . James Sherley, M r . Beachampe, M r . Andrews, M r . 
Allerton, & him selfe. This deposition was taken at 
Boston y e 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen under their 
hands ; besids some other concurente testimonies declared 
at severail times to sundrie of them. 

About y e Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or 
at least the price beaten, by M r . Allerton (at Bristoll), yet 
that had been nothing if M r . Sherley had not liked it, and 
disbursed y e money. And that she was not intended for 
y e plantation appears by sundrie evidences ; * as, first, y e 
bills of sale, or charterparties, were taken in their owne 
names, without any mention or refferance to y e plantation 
at all ; viz. M r . Sherley, M r . Beachampe, M r . Andrews, M r . 
Denison, and M r . Allerton ; for M r . Hatherley fell off, and 
would not joyne with them in this. That she was not 
bought for their accounte, M r . Hatherley tooke his oath 
before y e parties afforesaid, y e day and year above writen. 

M r . Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning 
this ship, the "Whit-Angell, before y e Gov r & Deputie, the 
7. of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, y e same time, that 
M r . Hatherley and him selfe did, in the behalfe of them 
selves and y e said M r . Sherley, M r . Andrews, & M r . Bea- 
champ, agree and undertake to discharge, and save harm- 
less, all y e rest of y e partners & purchasers, of and from y e 
said losses of Freindship for 200 H ., which was to be dis- 
counted therupon ; as by ther depossitions (which are in 



* About y e Whit-Angell they all selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a 

mette at a certaine taverne in London, porte, as hath been before mentioned ; 

wher they had a diner prepared, and as M r . Hatherley manifested, & M r . 

had a conference with a factore aboute Allerton could not deney. 



288 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

writing) may appeare more at large, and some other depo- 
sitions & other testemonies by M r . Winslow,* &c. But 
I suppose these may be sufficente to evince the truth in 
these things, against all pretences to y e contrary. And 
yet the burthen lay still upon y e plantation ; or, to speake 
more truly and rightly, upon those few that were ingaged 
for all, for they were faine to wade through these things 
without any help from any. 

[187] Concerning M r . Allerton's accounts, they were so 
larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand 
them, much less examine & correcte them, without a great 
deale of time & help, and his owne presence, which was 
now hard to gett amongst them ; and it was 2. or 3. years 
before they could bring them to any good pass, but never 
make them perfecte. I know not how it came to pass, 
or what misterie was in it, for he tooke upon him to make 
up all accounts till this time, though M r . Sherley was their 
agente to buy & sell their goods, and did more then he 
therin ; yet he past in accounts in a maner for all dis- 
bursments, both concerning goods bought, which he never 
saw, but were done when he was hear in y e cuntrie or at 
sea ; and all y e expences of y e Leyden people, done by 
others in his absence; the charges aboute y e patente, &c. 
In all which he made them debtore to him above 300 }i . 
and demanded paimente of it. But when things came to 
scaning, he was found above 2000 u . debtore to them, (this 
wherin M r . Hatherley & he being joyntly ingaged, which 
he only had, being included,) besids I know not how 

* M r . Winslow deposed, y e same counte of all ; and ther upon presed 

time, before y e Gov r aforesaid, &c. that him, as agente for y e partners in Neu- 

when he came into England , and y e part- England, to accepte y e said ship Whit- 

ners inquired of y e success of y e Whit Angell, and her accounte,into ye joynte 

Angell, which should have been laden partner-ship ; which he refused, for 

w lh bass and so sent for Port, of Por- many reasons ; and after received in- 

ting-gall, and their ship & goods to be structions from New-Engl : to refuse 

sould ; having informed them that they her if she should be offered, which in- 

were like to faile in their lading of bass, structions he shewed them ; and wheras 

that then Mr. James Sherley used these he was often pressed to accept her, he 

termes : Feck, we must make one ac- ever refused her, &c. 






1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 289 

much y l could never be cleared ; and interest moneys 
which ate them up, which he never accounted. Also they 
were faine to alow such large bills of charges as were in- 
tolerable; the charges of y e patent came to above 500 fi . 
and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first 
without any confirmation ; 30 i[ . given at a clape, and 50*. 
spent in a journey. No marvell therfore if M r . Sherley 
said in his leter, if their bussines had been better managed, 
they might have been y e richest plantation of any English 
at y l time. Yea, he scrued up his poore old father in 
law's accounte to above 2G0 H . and brought it on y e gen- 
erall accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to 
arise out of those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 
50. per cent., because he knew they would never let it 
lye on y e old man, when, alass! he, poore man, never 
dreamte of any such thing, nor y l what he had could arise 
nere y l valew ; but thought that many of them had been 
freely bestowed on him & his children by M r . Allerton. 
Nither in truth did they come nere y l valew in worth, but 
y l sume was blowne up by interest & high prises, which 
y e company did for y e most parte bear, (he deserving farr 
more,) being most sory that he should have a name to 
have much, when he had in effecte litle. 

This year also M r . Sherley sent over an accounte, which 
was in a maner but a cash accounte what M r . Allerton 
had had of them, and disbursed, for which he referd to his 
accounts ; besids an account of beaver sould, which M r . 
Winslow & some others had carried over, and a large 
supply of goods which M r . Winslow had sent & brought 
over, all which was comprised in y l accounte, and all y e 
disbursments aboute y e Freindship, & Whit-Angell, and 
what concerned their accounts from first to last ; or any 
thing else he could charg y e partners with. So they 
were made debtor in y e foote of that accounte 4770 K . 19. 2.* 

* So as a while before, wheras their chase, and those other few debts which 
great care was how to pay the pur- were upon them, now it was with them 

37 



290 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

besids 1000 H . still due for y e purchase yet unpayed; not- 
withstanding all y e beaver, and returnes that both Ashley 
& they had made, which were not small. 

[188] In these accounts of M r . Sherley's some things 
were obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100. 
of Bastable ruggs which came in y e Freindship, & cost 
75 tt ., charged before by M r . Allerton, and now by him 
againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to 
be twise or thrise charged ; as also a sume of 600 H . which 
M r . Allerton deneyed, and they could never understand 
for what it was. They sent a note of these & such like 
things afterward to M r . Sherley by M r . Winslow ; but (I 
know not how it came to pass) could never have them 
explained. 

Into these deepe sumes had M r . Allerton rune them in 
tow years, for in y e later end of y e year 1628. all their 
debts did not amounte to much above 400 H ., as was then 
noted ; and now come to so many thousands. And wheras 
in y e year 1629. M r . Sherley & M r . Hatherley being at 
Bristoll, and write a large letter from thence, in which 
they had given an account of y e debts, and what sumes 
were then disbursed, M r . Allerton never left begging & 
intreating of them till they had put it out. So they bloted 
out 2. lines in y l leter in which y e sumes were contained, 
and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived ; 
as since by them was confessed, and by y e leters may be 
seene.* And thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now 
they were so deeply ingaged. And wheras M r . Sherley 
did so ernestly press y l M r . Allerton might be sent over to 
finish y e great bussines aboute y e patente, as may be seen 



as it was some times with Saule's fa- them. And thus y e Lord oftentimes 

ther, who left careing for y e Asses, and deals with his people to teach them, 

sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. and humble them, that he may doe 

So that which before they looked at as them good in ye later end. 

a heavie burthen, they now esteeme * See Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 

but a small thing and a light mater, in Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 72, note. —Ed. 
comparison of what was now upon 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 291 

in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded,* and y l they 
should be ernest w th his wife to suffer him to goe, &c., he 
hath since confessed by a letter under my hands, that it 
was M r . Allerton's owne doings, and not his, and he made 
him write his words, & not his owne. The patent was 
but a pretence, and not y e thing. Thus were they abused 
in their simplicitie, and no beter then bought & sould, as 
it may seeme. 

And to mend y e matter,, M r . Allerton doth in a sorte 
wholy now deserte them ; having brought them into y e 
briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can. But God 
crost him mightily, for he having hired y e ship of M r . 
Sherly at 30* 1 . a month, he set forth againe with a most 
wicked and drunken crue,f and for covetousnes sake did 
so over lade her, not only filling her hould, but so stufed 
her betweene decks, as she was walte, and could not bear 
sayle, and they had like to have been cast away at sea, 
and were forced to put for Millford Havene, and new-stow 
her, & put some of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in 
y e botome ; which lost them time, and made them come 
late into y e countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse 
viage then y e year before. But being come into y e coun- 
trie, he sells trading comodities to any y l will buy, to y e 
great prejudice of y e plantation here ; but that which is 
worse, what he could not sell, he trustes ; and sets up a 
company of base felows and maks them traders, to rune 
into every hole, & into y e river of Kenebeck, to gleane 
away y e trade from y e house ther, aboute y e patente & 
priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of 
[189] theirs here; and now what in him lay went aboute 
to take away y e benefite therof, and to overthrow them. 
Yea, not only this, but he furnishes a company, and joyns 
with some consorts, (being now deprived of Ashley at Pe- 
nobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, 

* See p. 252. — Ed. f In the beginning of 1632. — Prince. 



292 HISTORY or [book II. 

to cute of y e trade from thence also. But y e French per- 
ceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso, 
they came in their begining before they were well setled, 
and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and tooke all 
their goods to a good valew, y e loss being most, if not all, 
M r . Allerton's ; for though some of them should have 
been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes ; 
the rest of y e men were sent into France, and this was the 
end of y l projected The rest of those he trusted, being 
lose and drunken fellows, did for y e most parte but cous- 
sen & cheate him of all they got into their hands ; that 
howsoever he did his friends some hurte hereby for y e 
presente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by y e loss by 
Gods just hand. After in time, when he came to Plimoth, 
y e church caled him to accounte for these, and other his 
grosse miscarrages ; he confessed his faulte, and promised 
better walking, and that he would wind him selfe out of 
these courses as soone as he could, &c. 

This year also M r . Sherley would needs send them over 
a new-acountante ; he had made mention of such a thing 
y e year before, but they write him word, that their charge 
was great allready, and they neede not increase it, as this 
would ; but if they were well delte w r ith, and had their 
goods well sent over, they could keep their accounts hear 
them selves. Yet he now sente one, which they did not 
refuse, being a yonger brother of M r . Winslows, whom 
they had been at charge to instructe at London before he 
came. He came over in the White Angell with M r . Aller- 



* This trading-house wasatMachias. Governor of the French in those parts, 
The notice of its destruction at this making claim to the place, came to dis- 
place is a little in anticipation of events plant them, and, finding resistance, 
in the narrative, and probably so in- killed two of the men, and carried away 
tended by our author. Under date the other three, and the goods." Some 
of November, 1633, Winthrop writes : of the goods destroyed belonged to 
" News of the taking of Machias by the Richard Vines, who subsequently made 
French. Mr. Allerton of Plymouth, complaint against La Tour while at 
and some others, had set up a trading Boston in 1643. The latter gives his 
wigwam there, and left in it five men own account of this affair, which may be 
and store of commodities. La Tour, seen in Winthrop, II. 125, 127. — Ed. 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 293 

ton, and ther begane his first imploymente ; for though 
M r . Sherley had so farr befreinded M r . Allerton, as to 
cause M r . Winslow to ship y e supply sente to y e partners 
here in this ship, and give him 4 H . p r tune, wheras others 
carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready 
downe, before y e ship wente out of y e harbore, wheras 
others payed upon certificate of y e goods being delivered, 
and their fraight came to upward of 6. score pounds, yet 
they had much adoe to have their goods delivered, for 
some of them were chainged, as bread & pease ; they were 
forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever 
gett all. And if Josias Winslow* had not been ther, it 
had been worse ; for he had y e invoyce, and order to send 
them to y e trading houses. 

This yearf their house at Penobscott was robed by y e 
French, and all their goods of any worth they carried 
away, to y e value of 400. or 500 fi . as y e cost first peny 
worth ; in beaver 300 }i . waight ; and y e rest in trading 
goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was in this 
maner. The m r . of y e house, and parte of y e company 
with him, were come with their vessell to y e westward to 
fecth a supply of goods which was brought over for them. 
In y e mean time comes a smale French ship into y e har- 
bore (and amongst y e company was a false Scott) ; they 
pretended they were nuly come from y e sea, and knew not 
wher they were, and that their vesell was very leake, and 
desired they might hale her a shore and stop their leaks. 
And many French complements they used, and congees 
they made ; and in y e ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, 
y l were servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding 
that y e maister & ye rest of y e company were gone from 
home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, 
that lay upon racks by y e wall side, and tooke them downe 

* See brief notice of him in Russell's this in June, 1632, that is, I suppose, 
Guide to Plymouth, p. 241. — Ed. the news at Boston of this transaction. 

| N. B. Governor Winthrop places — Prince. 



294 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when 
they were possesst of them, one presents a peece ready 
charged against y e servants, and another a pistoll; and 
bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver them their goods, 
and carries some of y e men aborde, & made y e other help 
to carry away y e goods. And when they had tooke what 
they pleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their 
way, with this mocke, biding them tell their m r . when he 
came, that some of y e He of Eey gentlemen had been 
ther. # 

fThis year, on S r Christopher Gardener, being, as 
him selfe said, descended of y l house y l the Bishop of 
Winchester came of (who was so great a persecutor of 
Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a great 
traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jeru- 
salem, being made Knight of y e Sepulcher ther. He came 
into these parts under pretence of forsaking y e world, and 
to live a private life, in a godly course, not unwilling to 
put him selfe upon any meane imployments, and take any 
paines for his living ; and some time offered him selfe to 
joyne to y e churchs in sundry places. He brought over 
with him a servante or 2. and a comly yonge woman, 
whom be caled his cousin, but it was suspected, she (after 
y e Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at y e Massa- 
chusets, for some miscariages which he should have an- 
swered, he fled away from authority, and gott amonge y e 
Indeans of these parts ; they sent after him, but could not 
gett him, and promissed some reward to those y l should 
find him. The Indeans came to y e Gov r here, and tould 
wher he was, and asked if they might kill him ; he tould 
them no, by no means, but if they could take him and 



* The above paragraph was written does not appear in the text of the origi- 

on the reverse of page 188 of the origi- nal manuscript, — having been perhaps 

nal manuscript. — Ed. inadvertently omitted, — but was writ- 

f The following account of Sir Chris- ten on the reverse of pages 189-191. 

topher Gardiner, with the documents ac- Morton erroneously places this under 

companying it, extending to page 298, the year 1632. — Ed. 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 295 

bring him hither, they should be payed for their paines. 
They said he had a gune & a rapier, & he would kill 
them if y ey went aboute it ; and y e Massachuset Indeans 
said they might kille him. But y e Gov r tould them no, 
they should not kill him, but watch their opportunitie, & 
take him. And so they did, for when they light of him 
by a river side, he got into a canowe to get from them, & 
when they came nere him, whilst he presented his peece 
at them to keep them of, the streame carried y e canow 
against a rock, and tumbled both him & his peece & ra- 
pier into y e water ; yet he got out, and having a litle 
dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but 
getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his 
hand, so he was glad to yeeld ; and they brought him to 
y e Gov r . But his hands and armes were swolen & very 
sore with y e blowes they had given him. So he used him 
kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his armes were 
bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly well againe, 
and blamed y e Indeans for beating him so much. They 
said that they did but a litle whip him with sticks. In 
his lodging, those y l made his bed found a litle note booke 
that by accidente had slipt out of his pockett, or some 
private place, in which was a memoriall what day he was 
reconciled to y e pope & church of Rome, and in what uni- 
versitie he tooke his scapula, and such & such degrees. 
It being brought to y e Gov r , he kept it, and sent y e Gov r 
of y e Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. # 
So y e Gov r sent him and these notes to y e Gov r ther, who 
tooke it very thankfuly ; but after he gott for England, 
he shewed his malice, but God prevented him. 

* It appears from Winthrop that personage by consulting Savage's Win- 
Gardiner " was taken by the Indians throp, I. 54, 57, 100, 102, 106 ; Dud- 
about Namasket, and brought to Ply- ley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
mouth, and from thence he was brought, in Young's Chron. of Mass., pp. 333, 
by Captain Underhill and his Lieutenant, 335; 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., V11L 320, 
Dudley, May 4, to Boston." The cu- 323 ; and Morton's New English Ca- 
rious reader will find all that can now naan, pp. 182-185. — Ed. 
be known of this somewhat mysterious 



296 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

See y e Gov r leter on y e other side.* 

S r : It hath pleased God to bring S r . Christopher Gardener 
safe to us, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I 
never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and 
use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your care 
of him, and y l he shall speed y e better for your mediation. It 
was a spetiall providence of God to bring those notes of his to 
our hands ; I .desire y l you will please to speake to all y l are 
privie to them, not to discovere them to any one, for y l may 
frustrate y e means of any further use to be made of them. The 
good Lord our God who hath allways ordered things for y e 
good of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and 
dispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much 
trouble about this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great 
imploymente, but I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe 
intreate you, to let me know what charge & troble any of your 
people have been at aboute him, y l it may be recompenced. 
So with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to 
your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy friends with you 
(whom I love in y e Lord), I comende you to his grace & good 
providence, & rest 

Your most assured friend, 

John Winthrop. 

Boston, May 5. 1631. 

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declare 
what fell out by this mans means & malice, complying 
with others. And though I doubt not but it will be more 
fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did more di- 
rectly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of 
y e matter, yet I will here give a hinte of y e same, and 
Gods providence in preventing y e hurte that might have 
come by y e same. The intelligence I had by a letter from 
my much hon d and beloved freind, M r . John Winthrop, 
Gov r of y e Massachusets. 

S r : Upon a petition exhibited by S r . Christo: Gardner, S r . 
Ferd : Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c, against you and us, the 

* That is, in the original manuscript. — Ed. 



1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 297 

cause was heard before y e lords of y e Privie Counsell, and after 
reported to y e king, the sucsess wherof maks it evident to all, 
that y e Lord hath care of his people hear. The passages are 
admirable, and too long to write. 1 hartily wish an opportunitie 
to imparte them unto you, being may sheets of paper. But y 9 
conclusion was (against all mens expectation) an order for our 
incouragrnente, and much blame and disgrace upon y e adver- 
saries, w ch calls for much thankfullnes from us all, which we 
purpose (y e Lord willing) to express in a day of thanks-giving 
to our mercifull God, (I doubt not but you will consider, if it be 
not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by 
his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante re- 
joysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so 
as that w cb our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us 
by, He hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I 
shall further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve. 
The coppy of y e order follows. 

At y e courte held at Whit-hall y e 19. Jan : 1632.* 

Present 
Sigillum Lord Privie Seale Lord Cottinton 

Ea : of Dorsett M r . Tre r 

Lo : Vi : Falkland M r . Vic Chamb r 

Lo : Bp : of London M r . Sec : Cooke 

Maister Sec : Windebanck 

Wheras his Ma tie hath latly been informed of great distraction 
and much disorder in y l plantation in y e parts of America called 
New-England, which, if they be true, & suffered to rune on, 
would tende to y e great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter 
ruine of that plantation. For prevention wherof, and for y e 
orderly settling of goverment, according to y e intention of those 
patents which have been granted by his Ma tie and from his late 
royall father king James, it hath pleased his Ma tie that y e lords 
& others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, should take 
y e same into consideration. Their lordships in y e first place 
thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination 
of y e matters informed; which comitties having called diverse 
of y 3 principall adventurers in y l plantation, and heard those 

* That is, 1633, new style ; this paper was received at Boston in May, 1633. 
Winthrop, I. 102, 103. — Ed. 

38 



298 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

that are complanants against them, most of the things informed 
being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must be 
called from y l place, which required a long expence of time; and 
at presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon 
dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for y l place, all which 
would be at a stand, if y e adventurers should have discourag- 
mente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion 
of y l plantation ; their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies 
(if any be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, 
or principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be 
inquired into,) have thought fitt in y e meane time to declare, 
that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, y l the 
countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, and 
profitable to y e perticuler adventurers, as y l the adventurers had 
cause to goe on cherfully with their undertakings, and rest 
assured, if things were carried as was pretended when y e patents 
were granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed, 
his Majestie would not only maintaine the liberties & privileges 
heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend 
to the good govermente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people 
ther of that place, &c. 

William Trumball. 



Anno Dom: 1632. 

M R . Allerton, returning for England,* litle regarded 
his bound of a 1000 H . to performe covenants ; for wheras 
he was bound by y e same to bring y e ship to [190] Lon- 
don, and to pay 30 H . per month for her hire, he did neither 
of boath, for he carried her to Bristol! againe, from whence 
he intended to sett her out againe, and so did y e 3. time, 
into these parts (as after will appear); and though she 
had been 10. months upon y e former viage, at 30 H . p r 
month, yet he never payed peney for hire. It should 
seeme he knew well enough how to deale with M r . Sher- 
ley. And M r . Sherley, though he would needs tye her & 

* In the fall of 1632. — Prince. 



1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 299 

her accounte upon y e generall, yet he would dispose of 
her as himselfe pleased; for though M r . Winslow had in 
their names protested against y e receiving her on y l ac- 
counte, or if ever they should hope to preveile in shuch 
a thing, yet never to suffer M r . Allerton to have any more 
to doe in her, yet he y e last year* let her wholy unto him, 
and injoyned them to send all their supply e in her to 
their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though 
he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, nor 
was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and sells 
him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from first to last 
(and in effecte he might as well have given him y e same) ; 
and not only this, but he doth as good as provide a sanc- 
tuary for him, for he gives him one years time to prepare 
his accounte, and then to give up y e same to them here ; 
and then another year for him to make paymente of what 
should be due upon y l accounte. And in y e mean time 
writs ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him 
from his bussines, or stay him aboute clearing accounts, 
&c. ; so as he in y e mean time gathers up all monies due 
for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, 
or y e Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler ; and 
after, sells ship, & ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, 
in Spaine, according to y e first designe, in effecte ; and who 
had, or what became of y e money, he best knows. In y e 
mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing 
but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens 
hands (save a few catle & a litle land & some small 
maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in y e end re- 
moved, as he had allready his person, so all his from 
hence.f This will better appere by M r . Sherley's leter. 



* That is, 1632. — Prince. dissatisfaction expressed towards him, 

f The mystery which has hitherto and for his dismissal from the service of 

enveloped the relations of Mr. Allerton the undertakers, — concerning which 

with the Colony of Plymouth is now Prince had preserved a few brief pas- 

wholly dispelled. The reasons for the sages from this History, — are now no 



300 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

S r : These few lines are further to give you to understand, that 
seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute y e White- 
Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. 
And now M r . Allerton beeing here, we have had some confferance 
with him about her, and find him very willing to give you & 
us all contente y l possiblie he can, though he burthen him selfe. 
He is contente to take y e White- An gell wholy on him selfe, not- 
withstanding he mett with pirates nere y e coast of Ierland, which 
tooke away his best sayles & other provissions from her ; so as 
verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small 
price, besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with 
fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll. Wher- 
fore we thought it best, both for you & us, M r . Allerton being 
willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand 
pounds, to give [191] you a true & perfecte accounte, and take 
y e whole charge of y e Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from y e 
first to y e last. The accounte he is to make and perfecte within 
12. months from y e date of this letter, and then to pay you at 
6. and 6. months after, what soever shall be due unto you and 
us upon the foote of y l accounte. And verily, notwithstanding 
all y e disasters he hath had, I am perswaded he hath enough 
to pay all men here and ther. Only they must have patience 
till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not write 
this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and 

longer a matter of conjecture. It is he died before the 12th of February, 

uncertain at what precise time he finally 1658-9, leaving a son, Isaac. After 

withdrew from the colony. His wife removing from Plymouth, his career as 

Fear died at Plymouth in the latter part a merchant was still attended with mis- 

of 1634, and he is found at Marblehead fortunes, and at his death he left an 

soon after, (residing, it is supposed, insolvent estate. See p. 256 ; List of 

with his son-in-law, Moses Maverick,) Passengers in the Mayflower, in Ap- 

as, in the spring of 1635, he was noti- pendix ; Davis's ed. of the Memorial, 

fied by the authorities of Massachusetts Appendix, pp. 391-394; Records of 

that they desired his removal from that Mass., I. 140, 147; Winthrop, I. 373, 

place. His name, however, appears 386, 11.96,210; 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., 

on the list of freemen at Plymouth as VII. 242-249, 301-304; Cushman 

late as March 7, 1636-7. From some Geneal., pp. 618-620. 
evidence, he would seem to have been An error of the late Dr. Thatcher, 

a resident of New Amsterdam in 1643, in his History of Plymouth, in stating 

and in a document recorded in the Old that Allerton was left out of the office 

Colony Records, bearing date 27th Oc- of magistrate, at a later period in the 

tober, 1646, he styles himself as " of history of this colony, on account of 

New Amsterdam in the province of his opposition to the treatment of the 

New Netherlands." He is traced to Quakers, is noticed on the following 

New Haven soon after, at which place page. — -Ed. 



1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 301 

perhaps you know not of) under y e hands & seals of some, &c. 
I rest 

Your assured friend, 

James Sherley. 
Des : 6. 1632. 

But heres not a word of y e breach of former bonds & 
covenants, or paimente of y e ships hire ; this is passt by 
as if no such thing had been; besids what bonds or 
obligments so ever they had of him, ther never came any 
into y e hands or sight of y e partners here. And for this 
y l M r . Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abili- 
tie, under y e hands & seals of some, it was but a trick, 
having gathered up an accounte of what was owing form 
such base fellows as he had made traders for him, and 
other debts ; and then got M r . Mahue, & some others, to 
affirme under their hand & seale, that they had seen shuch 
accounts y l were due to him. 

M r . Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his 
owne occasions, and begane to make preparation to plant 
& dwell in y e countries He with his former dealings had 
wound in what money he had in y e patnership into his 
owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in 
name), as was found in y e issue of things ; neither did he 
medle, or take any care aboute y e same ; only he was 
troubled about his ingagmente aboute y e Friendship, as will 
after appeare. And now partly aboute y l accounte, in some 
reconings betweene M r . Allerton and him, and some debts 
y l M r . Allerton otherwise owed him upon dealing between 

* Arriving at Boston, June 5th, against the Quakers. Dr. Thatcher, in 

1632. — Prince. his History of Plymouth (p. 115, 2d 

Mr. Hatherly came in the Charles, ed.), erroneously substitutes the name of 
of Barnstable (Eng.), which sailed Allerton for Hatherly, as having been, 
thence, April 10th. He was one of the for the above reason, left out of office 
early settlers of Scituate, and was an at this time. Allerton left the Ply- 
Assistant in the governmentof Plymouth mouth colony nearly, if not quite, twenty 
for a number of years. On the re-elec- years before the Quakers arrived in the 
tion of Prence as Governor, in 1658, country. See Savage's Winthrop, I. 
Mr. Hatherly and James Cudworth were 77, 78; Davis's ed. of the Memorial, 
omitted as Assistants, on account of their p. 276; Deane's Scituate, pp. 3-6, 
opposition to the severe proceedings 280-283. — Ed. 



302 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

them in perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000 H ., 
and would faine have ingaged y e partners here with it, 
because M r . Allerton had been their agent. But they tould 
him they had been fool'd longe enough with such things, 
and shewed him y l it no way belonged to them ; but tould 
him he must looke to make good his ingagment for y e 
Freindship, which caused some trouble betweene M r . Al- 
lerton and him. 

M r . William Peirce did y e like, M r . Allerton being wound 
into his debte also upon particuler dealings ; as if they had 
been bound to make good all mens debts. But they easily 
shooke off these things. But M r . Allerton herby rane 
into much trouble & vexation, as well as he had troubled 
others, for M r . Denison sued him for y e money he had dis- 
bursed for y e 6. part of y e Whit-Angell, & recovered y e 
same with damages.* 

Though y e partners were thus pluged into great ingag- 
ments, & oppresed with unjust debts, yet y e Lord pros- 
pered their trading, that they made yearly large returnes, 
and had soone wound them selves out of all, if yet they 
had otherwise been well delt with all ; as will more ap- 
pear here after. [192] Also y e people of y e plantation be- 
gane to grow in their owtward estats, by reason f of y e 
flowing of many people into y e cuntrie, espetially into y e 
Bay of y e Massachusets ; by which means corne & catle 
rose to a great prise, by w ch many were much inriched, 
and coihodities grue plentifull ; and yet in other regards 
this benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of 
strength to their weaknes. For now as their stocks in- 
creased, and y e increse vendible, ther was no longer any 
holding them togeather, but now they must of necessitie 
goe to their great lots ; they could not other wise keep their 



* The following is from the Mass. Dennison, for charges in a suite about 

Colony Records, I. 122, July 1, 1634 : a debt of an hundreth pound." — Ed. 

1 ' It is ordered, that Mr. Isaac Allerton f Rea- in the manuscript. — Ed. 
shall pay the sum of xR to Mr. William 



1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 303 

katle ; and having oxen growne, they must have land for 
plowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could 
live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground to 
keep them ; all striving to increase their stocks. By which 
means they were scatered all over y e bay, quickly, and y e 
towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left 
very thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. And if 
this had been all, it had been less, thoug to much ; but 
y e church must also be devided, and those y l had lived so 
long togeather in Christian & comfortable fellowship must 
now part and suffer many divissions. First, those that 
lived on their lots on y e other side of y e bay (called Dux- 
berie) they could not long bring their wives & children 
to y e publick worship & church meetings here, but with 
such burthen, as, growing to some competente number, 
they sued to be dismissed and become a body of them 
selves ; and so they were dismiste (about this time), 
though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd matter, 
and handle things together that fell out afterward. To 
prevent any further scatering from this place, and weak- 
ning of y e same, it was thought best to give out some 
good farms to spetiall persons, y l would promise to live at 
Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull to y e church or comone- 
welth, and so to tye y e lands to Plimoth as farmes for the 
same ; and ther they might keepe their catle & tillage by 
some servants, and retaine their dwellings here. And so 
some spetiall lands were granted at a place generall, called 
Greens Harbor,* wher no allotments had been in y e for- 
mer divission, a plase very weell meadowed, and fltt to 
keep & rear catle, good store. But alass ! this remedy 
proved worse then y e disease ; for w th in a few years those 
that had thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, 
partly by force, and partly wearing y e rest with importu- 

* Green's Harbor was incorporated called Marshfield. See Plymouth Col- 
into a township, in 1640, by the name ony Laws, Brigham's ed., pp. 68, 69. 
of " Rexhame," and was soon after — Ed. 



304 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

nitie and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer 
them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and conten- 
tion. And others still, as y ey conceived them selves strait- 
ened, or to want accomodation, break away under one 
pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived necessi- 
tie, and the example of others, a warren te sufficente for 
them. And this, I fear, will be y e ruine of New-England, 
at least of y e churches of God ther, & will provock y e 
Lords displeasure against them. 

[193] This year, M r . William Perce # came into y e cun- 
try, & brought goods and passengers, in a ship caled y e 
Lyon, which belonged cheefly to M r . Sherley, and y e rest 
of y e London partners, but these hear had nothing to doe 
with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had 
sent home before) they sent upwards of 800 11 . in her, and 
some otter skines ; and also y e coppies of M r . Allertons 
accounts, desiring that they would also peruse & examene 
them, and rectifle shuch things as they should find amise 
in them ; and rather because they were better acquaynted 
with y e goods bought ther, and y e disbursments made, 
then they could bee here ; yea, a great part were done by 
them selves, though M . Allerton brougt in y e accounte, 
and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had need 
of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions against 
his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and 
doubted not but they might adde more therunto. And 
also shewed them how much M r . Allerton was debtor to 
y e accounte ; and desired, seeing they had now put y e ship 

* Winthrop notices his arrival at this weeks from the Land's End." One of 
time under date Sept. 16, " being the the original bills of lading brought by 
Lord's day. In the evening, Mr. Peirce, this ship at this time, consigning " two 
in the ship Lyon, arrived, and came to dry fats of goods " to " John Winthrop 
an anchor before Boston. He brought the younger," and dated " London, this 
one hundred and twenty-three passen- 22d of June," is preserved in the ar- 
gers, whereof fifty children, all in health; chives of the Massachusetts Historical 
and lost not one person by the way, Society. See Winthrop, I. 90 ; Pro- 
save his carpenter, who fell overboard ceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, 
as he was caulking a port. They had April 12th, 1855, pp. 11, 12. — Ed. 
been twelve weeks aboard, and eight 



1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 305 

White- An gell, and all, wholy into his power, and tyed 
their hands here, that they could not call him to accounte 
for any thinge, till y e time was expired which they had 
given him, and by that time other men would get their 
debts of him, (as sume had done already by suing him,) 
and he would make all away here quickly out of their 
reach ; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and 
gett paymente of him ther, as it was all y e reason they 
should, seeing they keept all y e bonds & covenants they 
made with him in their owne hands ; and here they could 
doe nothing by y e course they had taken, nor had any thing 
to show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, 
this ship, being first to goe to Verginia before she wente 
home, was cast away on y l coast, not farr from Virginia, 
and their beaver was all lost # (which was y e first loss they 
sustained in that kind) ; but M r . Peirce & y e men saved 
their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, 
and so safly home. Y e accounts were now sent from hence 
againe to them. And thus much of y e passages of this 
year. 

A part of M r . Peirce his leter-\ from Virginia. 

It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand 
y e 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from England. 

Dear freinds, &c. Y e bruit of this fatall stroke that y e Lord 
hath brought both on me and you all will come to your ears 
before this coiiieth to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall 
not need to inlarg in perticulers, &c. My whole estate (for y 8 
most parte) is taken away ; and so yours, in a great measure, 
by this and your former losses [he means by y e French & M r . 
Allerton]4 It is time to looke aboute us, before y e wrath of y e 
Lord breake forth to utter destruction. The good Lord give us 
all grace to search our harts and trie our ways, and turne unto 

* See full account of the loss of this script, and may properly be inserted 

ship and cargo in Winthrop,L 10 1. — Ed. here. — Ed. 

f This letter was written on the re- % The brackets are in the original 

verse of folio 192 of the original manu- manuscript. — Ed. 

39 



306 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

y e Lord, and humble our selves under his mightie hand, and 
seeke atonemente, &c. Dear freinds, you may know y 1 all your 
beaver, and y e books of your accounts, are swallowed up in 
y e sea ; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if 
God bring me home. But what should I more say ? Have we 
lost our outward estates ? yet a hapy loss if our soules may 
gaine ; ther is yet more in y e Lord Jehova than ever we had yet 
in y e world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained 
from y e things here below, which are vanity and vexation of 
spirite ; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, y l flye away, & 
are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with my continuall remem- 
brance of you in my poore desires to y e throne of grace, beseech- 
ing God to renew his love & favoure towards you all, in & 
through y e Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall & temporall 
good things, as may be most to the glory & praise of his name, 
and your everlasting good. So I rest, 

Your afflicted brother in Christ, 

William Peirce. 
Virginia, Des : 25. 1632. 



Anno Dom\ 1633. 

This year M r . Ed: Winslow* was chosen Governor. ■(■ 

By the first return e this year, they had leters from M r . 
Sherley of M 1 . Allertons further ill success, and y e loss by 



* Bradford does not notice the return William Bradford, Miles Standish, John 

of Mr. Winslow from his visit to Eng- Howland, John Alden, John Doan, 

land in 1631. He came in the William Stephen Hopkins, William Gilson. 

and Francis, from London, which set Prior to this there is no record of those 

sail March 9th, and arrived here June who were chosen to this office. We 

5th, 1632. Winthrop, I. 78. — Ed. know from this History, that on the first 

f Winthrop, under date January 1st, election of Bradford as Governor, in 

1632-3, says : " Mr. Edward Winslow 1621, Allerton was chosen his Assist- 

chosen Governor of Plymouth, Mr. ant, and held the office, by re-election, 

Bradford having been Governor about for a number of years. In 1624, the 

ten years, and now by importunity gat number was increased to five, with 

ofF." At or about the same time a law which number, says Hubbard, "they 

was enacted, that whoever refused the rested contented till the year 1633, 

office of Governor after election, unless when two more were added." In 

he had held the place the foregoing year, an official letter written by Governor 

should be amerced in twenty pounds Bradford to Governor Winthrop, dated 

sterling fine ; and whoever refused the February 6, 1631-2, besides the signa- 

office of Assistant should be fined, ten ture of the Governor, it bears the names 

pounds. of Miles Standish, Samuel Fuller, 

The Assistants chosen this year were John Alden, and Thomas Prence, who 






1633.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



307 



M r . Peirce, with many sadd complaints ; but litle hope of 
any thinge to be gott of M r . Allerton, or how their ac- 
counts might be either eased, or any way rectified by them 
ther ; but now saw plainly y l the burthen of all would be 
cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters 
I shall here inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things ; 
for though I am weary of this tedious & uncomfortable 
subjecte, yet for y e clearing of y e truth I am compelled to 
be more larg in y e opening of these matters, upon w ch 
[194] so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard 
censures have passed on both sids. I would not be par- 
tiall to either, but deliver y e truth in all, and, as nere as I 
can, in their owne words and passages, and so leave it to 
the impartiall judgment of any that shall come to read, or 
veiw these things. His leters are as folow, dated June 
24 1633. 

Loving friends, my last* was sente in y e Mary & John,f by 



were probably the Assistants at that 
time. Winslow, who was then absent, 
may have completed the number. 

Respecting the time for the annual 
election of Governor and Assistants, we 
find in 1633, when the first record of 
the election of those officers appears, 
and in 1634, 1635, and 1636, that it 
took place at the General Court in Jan- 
uary They were to enter upon the 
duties of their office, however, on the 
ensuing March, which was the com- 
mencement of the civil year ; though 
no particular day appears to have been 
assigned for that purpose. Prence was 
elected Governor in 1634, " for the 
year following, and to enter upon the 
place the 1st of March or the 27th of 
the same." Bradford was chosen in 
1635, and was to enter upon his duties 
on the first Tuesday in March. Wins- 
low, in 1636, was to enter upon the 
place the 1st of March. In 1633, when 
Winslow was first chosen, he entered 
upon his duties at once. Bradford at 
that time had been Governor for twelve 
consecutive years, and " by importuni- 
ty gat off." There is no record of their 



proceedings in this respect prior to 
1633, and all that is known is con- 
tained in this History and in Hubbard. 
In 1636, a law was enacted appointing 
the first Tuesday in March for the elec- 
tion of officers ; and in 1642, " It is en- 
acted, that the election court of choos- 
ing officers as Governor and Assistants 
shall be hereafter every first Tuesday in 
June, because that many are hindered 
from coming in March by reason of the 
unseasonableness of the weather ordi- 
narily." In the code of 1658, this last 
provision is confirmed, prefaced by the 
following : " Whereas by the first as- 
sociates of this government the courts 
of election were held in January annu- 
ally, and afterwards in the month of 
March annually," &c, &c. 

See pages 101, 156; Morton's Me- 
morial, p. 89 ; Winthrop, I. 98 ; Ply- 
mouth Colony Laws, Brigham's ed., 
pp. 30, 36, 37, 73, 108 ; Plymouth Col- 
ony Records, in MS., Vol. I. ; Hub- 
bard, pp. 90, 91, 100 ; New Eng. Hist. 
andGeneal. Reg., II. 240-244. — Ed. 

* March 22. 

f Prince (II. 88) supposes this ship 



308 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

M r . William Collier,* &c. I then certified you of y e great, & 
uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in y e loss 
of M r . Peirce his ship, y e Lyon ; but y e Lords holy name be 
blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done, 
Amen. I then related unto you y l fearfull accidente, or rather 
judgmente, y e Lord pleased to lay on London Bridge, by fire,f 
and therin gave you a touch of my great loss ; the Lord, I hope, 
will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him, & not 
in these slipery and uncertaine things of this world. 

I hope M r . Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this ; but 
he had many disasters here before he could gett away ; yet y e 
last was a heavie one ; his ship, going out of y e harbor at Bris- 
toll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on y e shore, as it cost 
him above 100 11 . before shee could be gott off againe. Verily 
his case was so lamentable as I could not but afford him some 
help therin (and so did some were strangers to him) ; besids, 
your goods were in her, and if he had not been supported, he 
must have broke off his viage, and so loss could not have been 
avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he 
had made a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never 
set her forth. I hope he sees y e Lords hand against him, and 
will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with 
her ; she would have been but a clogge to y e accounte from time 
to time, and now though we shall not gett much by way of 
satisfaction, yet we shall lose no more. And now, as before I 
have writte, I pray you finish all y e accounts and reconings with 
him there; for here he hath nothing, but many debtes that he 
stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here is not a man 
y l will spend a day, or scarce an hower, aboute y e accounts but 
my selfe, and y l bussines will require more time and help then 
I can afford. I shall not need to say any more ; I hope you 
will doe y l which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie, 
and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, 
which now cannot be helped, &c. 

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300* 1 . and 

is the same as the "Mary and Jane," to reside in the colony. In 1634, he 

whose arrival, with 196 passengers, is was chosen an Assistant in the govern- 

mentioned by Winthrop (I. 102) under ment, and was continued in office for 

date May, 1633. — Ed. many years. See Morton's Memorial, 

# Mr. Collier first arrived in the p. 91 et seq. — Ed. 
country this year. He had been one of f 1632-3, Feb. 11. J) night till $ 

the earliest adventurers, and now came morning. (Laud's Diary.) — Prince. 



1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 309 

M r . Beachamp is out of y e towne, yet y e bussines I must doe. 
Oh the greefe & trouble y l man, M r . Allerton, hath brought 
upon you and us ! I cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws 
many a sigh from my harte, and teares from my eyes. And 
now y e Lord hath visited me with an other great loss, yet I can 
undergoe it with more patience. But this I have follishly pulled 
upon my selfe, &c. [And in another, he hath this passage :] * 
By M r . Allertons faire propositions and large [195] promises, I 
have over rune my selfe ; verily, at this time greefe hinders me 
to write, and tears will not suffer me to see ; wherfore, as you 
love those that ever loved you, and y l plantation, thinke upon 
us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your 
trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late, 
nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for I am per- 
swaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth on our purses 
or credites. And had y e Lord sent M r . Peirce safe home, we 
had eased both you and us of some of those debts ; the Lord 
I hope will give us patience to bear these crosses ; and that 
great God, whose care & providence is every where, and spe- 
tially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him, di- 
rect, guid, prosper, & blesse you so, as y l you may be able (as 
I perswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off 
this great & heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your 
saks ; and I hope in y e ende for y e good of you, and many 
thousands more; for had not you & we joyned & continued 
togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowne, 
I am perswaded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest 
English people, as it now is. The Lord increase & blesse 
them, &c. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest 
Your assured loving friend, 

James Sherley. 
June 24. 1633. 

By this it apperes when M r . Sherly sould him y e ship 
& all her accounts, it was more for M r . Allertons advan- 
tage then theirs ; and if they could get any there, well 
& good, for they were like to have nothing here. And 
what course was held to hinder them there, hath allready 

* The brackets are in the original manuscript. — Ed. 



310 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

beene manifested. And though M r . Sherley became more 
sinsible of his owne condition, by these losses, and therby 
more sadly & plainly to complaine of M r . Allerton, yet no 
course was taken to help them here, but all left unto 
them selves ; not so much as to examene & rectifie y e 
accounts, by which (it is like) some hundereds of pounds 
might have been taken off. But very probable it is, 
the more they saw was taken off, y e less might come unto 
them selves. But I leave these maters, & come to other 
things. 

M r . Roger Williams * (a man godly & zealous, having 
many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) 
came over first to y e Massachusets, but upon some discon- 
tente left y l place, and came hither, (wher he was friedly 
entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) and exer- 
cised his gifts amongst them, & after some time was ad- 
mitted a member of y e church ; and his teaching well 
approoved, for y e benefite wherof I still blese God, and 
am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest admonitions 
& reproufs, so farr as they agreed with truth. He this 
year begane to fall into some Strang oppiions, and from 
opinion to practise ; which caused some controversie be- 
tweene y e church & him, and in y e end some discontente 
on his parte, by occasion wherof he left them some thing 
abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to y e 
church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution 
to them concerning him, and what care they ought to 
have of him. But he soone fell into more things ther, 
both to their and y e goverments troble [196] & disturb- 
ance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too 
well knowen now to all, though for a time y e church here 



* A Memoir of this distinguished tive of Professor Gammell, in Sparks's 
man, by Professor Knowles, was pub- American Biography. In 1853 ap- 
lished in 1834, and may confidently be peared another Memoir of him by Ro- 
referred to as having been prepared meo Elton, D. D., containing some facts 
from original materials. This was fol- and correspondence never before pub- 
lowed in 1845 by the pleasing narra- lished. — Ed. 



1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 311 

wente under some hard censure by his occasion, from 
some that afterwards smarted them selves. But he is to 
be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave y° matter, 
and desire y e Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him 
into y e way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and 
constancie in y e same ; for I hope he belongs to y e Lord, 
and y l he will shew him mercie. 

Having had formerly converse and famliarity with y e 
Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them seated 
here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river called by 
them y e Fresh River,* but now is known by y e name of 
Conightecute-River, which they often comended unto them 
for a fine place both for plantation and trade, and wished 
them to make use of it. But their hands being full other- 
wise, they let it pass. But afterwards ther coming a 
company of banishte Indeans into these parts, that were 
drivene out from thence by the potencie of y e Pequents, 
which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence, 
they often sollisited them to goe thither, and they should 
have much trad, espetially if they would keep a house 
ther. And having now good store of comodities, and 
allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them 
selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they 
now begane to send that way to discover y e same, and 
trade with y e natives. They found it to be a fine place, 
but had no great store of trade ; but y e Indeans excused 
y e same in regard of y e season, and the fear y e Indans 
were in of their enemise. So they tried diverce times, 
not with out profite, but saw y e most certainty would be 
by keeping a house ther, to receive y e trad when it came 
down out of y e inland. Those Indeans, not seeing them 
very forward to build ther, solisited them of y e Massa- 



* The historians of New Nether- See Brodhead's New York, pp. 56, 

land claim that Block discovered the 57; O'Callaghan's New Netherland, 

Connecticut River, in 1614, and named I. 73. — Ed. 
it " Versch " or Fresh- Water River. 



312 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



chusets in like sorte (for their end was to be restored to 
their countrie againe) ; but they in y e Bay being but latly 
come,* were not fitte for y e same ; but some of their cheefe 
made a motion to joyne w th the partners here, to trad 
joyntly with them in y l river, the which they were willing 
to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and put in 
equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed 
at y e Massachusets, and some of y e cheefe here was ap- 
pointed to treat with them, and went accordingly ; f but 
they cast many fears of deanger & loss and the like, which 
was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they al- 
ledged they were not provided of trading goods. But 
those hear offered at presente to put in sufficente for 
both, provided they would become ingaged for y e halfe, 
and prepare against y e nexte year. They conffessed more 
could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them 
they had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped 



* Winthrop, under date of April 4, 
1631, notices the visit to Boston of 
Wahginnacut, a sagamore upon the 
River Quonehtacut, in company with 
other Indians, being " very desirous 
to have some Englishmen to come 
plant in his country, and offering to 
find them corn, and give them yearly 
eighty skins of beaver," &c. The Gov- 
ernor declined his proposal, and " dis- 
covered after, that the said sagamore 
is a very treacherous man. and at war 
with the Pekoath (a far greater sag- 
amore)." — Ed. 

f Winthrop, under date of July 12, 
1633, says: "Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Governor of Plymouth, and Mr. Brad- 
ford, came into the Bay, and went away 
the 18th. They came partly to confer 
about joining in a trade to Connecticut, 
for beaver and hemp. There was a 
motion to set up a trading house there, 
to prevent the Dutch, who were about 
to build one ; but, in regard the place 
was not fit for plantation, there being 
three or four thousand warlike Indians, 
and the river not to be gone into but by 
small pinnaces, having a bar affording 
but six feet at high water," &c, &c, 
" we thought not fit to meddle with it." 



Mr. Savage, in a note on this passage 
remarks: "Some disingenuousness, I 
fear, may be imputed to our council, 
in starting difficulties to deter our breth- 
ren of the humble community of Ply- 
mouth from extending their limits to so 
advantageous a situation ; for we next 
season were careful to warn the Dutch 
against occupation of it, and the fol- 
lowing year took possession ourselves." 
The bark Blessing, a few weeks after 
this, visited the Dutch plantation, and 
Van Twiller was desired to forbear 
to build upon the river and country of 
Connecticut, that territory being grant- 
ed by the king of England to his own 
subjects. The Dutch Governor cour- 
teously replied to Governor Winthrop, 
Oct. 4, that he "could wish that his 
Majesty of England and the Lords 
States-General would agree concern- 
ing the limits and parting of their quar- 
ters, that as good neighbors we might 
live in these heathenish countries," add- 
ing that he had " taken possession of 
the forementioned river " in the name 
of the Lords States-General, and had 
set up a house there, &c. See Win- 
throp, I. 105, 111 - 113 ; O'Callaghan's 
New Netherland, p. 152. — Ed. 



IJ.UOO.J Jf.LIMUUT.HL r±jAlNTAllUlN. OLO 

it would be no offence unto [197] them, if them sellves 
wente on without them, if they saw it meete. They said 
ther was no reason they should; and thus this treaty 
broake of, and those here tooke conveniente time to make 
a begining ther ; and were y e first English that both dis- 
covered that place, and built in y e same, though they 
were litle better then thrust out of it afterward as may 
appeare. 

But y e Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of 
their purpose & preparation, indeoured to prevente them, 
and gott in a litle before them, and made a slight forte,* 
and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, thretening to stopp 
their passage. But they having made a smale frame of 
a house ready, and haveing a great new-barke, they stowed 
their frame in her hold, & bords to cover & finishe it, 
having nayles & all other provisions fitting for their use. 
This they did y e rather that they might have a presente 
defence against y e Indeans, who weare much offended that 
they brought home & restored y e right Sachem of y e place 
(called Natawanute) ; so as they were to incounter with a 
duble danger in this attempte, both y e Dutch and y e In- 
deans. When they came up y e river, the Dutch demanded 
what they intended, and whither they would goe; they 
answered, up y e river to trade (now their order was to 
goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, & stay, 
or els they would shoote them ; & stood by ther ordnance 
ready fitted. They answered they had comission from y e 
Gov r of Plimoth to goe up y e river to such a place, and if 
they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede ; 
they would not molest them, but would goe one.f So they 
passed along, and though the Dutch threatened them 



* On the 8th of June, 1633, the ford. Brodhead's New York, pp. 234, 

Dutch made a purchase, from a Pequot 235. — Ed. 

chief, of some lands on the Connecticut f The resolute commander of this 
River, and soon after completed their expedition was William Holmes. See 
fort, named the " Good Hope," about Hazard, II. 262 ; Trumbull's Connecti- 
ve place of the present town of Hart- cut, I. 35. — Ed. 

40 






314 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

hard, yet they shoot not. Coming to their place,* they 
clapt up their house quickly, and landed their provissions, 
and left y e companie appoynted, and sent the barke home ; 
and afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified 
them selves better. The Dutch sent word home to y e 
Monhatas what was done ; and in proces of time, they 
sent a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with 
collours displayed, to assaulte them ; but seeing them 
strengtened, & that it would cost blood, they came to 
parley, and returned in peace. And this was their enter- 
ance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not by freinds 
to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will 
after appere. They did y e Dutch no wrong, for they took 
not a foote of any land they bought, but went to y e place 
above them, and bought that tracte of land which be- 
longed to these Indeans which they carried with them, 
and their friends, with whom y e Dutch had nothing to 
doe. But of these matters more in another place. 

It pleased y e Lord to visite them this year with an in- 
fectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and up- 
ward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children, 
and sundry of them of their anciente friends which had 
lived in Holand ; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Master- 
son, with sundry [198] others, and in y e end (after he had 
much helped others) Samuell Fuller, who was their sur- 
geon & phisition, and had been a great help and comforte 
unto them ; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a dea- 
con of y e church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, 
being much missed after his death ; and he and y e rest of 
their brethren much lamented by them, and caused much 
sadnes & mourning amongst them ; which caused them to 

* This was on the site of the present (the place we after possessed) the year 

town of Windsor, and was the com- before the Dutch began in the river ; 

mencement of the English settlements the Dutch came in by way of preven- 

in Connecticut. The Dutch authorities tion." Brodhead's New York, p. 241 ; 

say this was on the 16th of Septem- Davis's ed. of the Memorial, Appendix, 

ber. Trumbull says it was in October, p. 395. — Ed. 
Winslow says he "had a place given 



11634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 315 

I humble them selves, & seeke y e Lord ; and towards winter 
it pleased the Lord y e sicknes ceased. This disease allso 
I swept away many of y e Indeans from all y e places near 
adjoyning; and y e spring before, espetially all y e month of 
May, ther was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies, 
like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came 
out of holes in y e ground, and replenished all y e woods, 
and eate y e green- things, and made such a constante yell- 
ing noyes, as made all y e woods ring of them, and ready 
to deafe y e hearers.* They have not by y e English been 
heard or seen before or since. But y e Indeans tould them 
y l sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, Au- 
gust, and v e cheefe heat of sorrier. 

It pleased y e Lord to inable them this year to send 
home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their 
charges, & debts at home, which good returne did much 
incourage their freinds in England. They sent in beaver 
3366 K . waight, and much of it coat beaver, which yeeled 
20 s . p r pound, & some of it above ; and of otter-skines f 
346. sould also at a good prise. And thus much of y e 
affairs of this year. 



Anno Dom: 1634. 

This year M r . Thomas Prence was chosen Gov r .J 

M r . Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs 
this year. I will forbear to coppy any part therof, only 
name a head or 2. therin. Eirst, he desirs they will take 
nothing ill in what he formerly write, professing his good 

* " The insect here described," re- on the Insects- of Massachusetts, pp. 

marks Judge Davis, " is the Cicada sep- 165 - 174. — Ed. 

tendecirn of Linnaeus, commonly called f The skin was sold at 14s. & 15. 

the locust. They have frequently ap- y e pound. 

peared since, after long intervals, gen- J The Assistants this year were Wil- 

erally about seventeen years, indicated liam Bradford, Edward Winslow, Miles 

by theLinnaean specific name." Davis's Standish, William Collier, John Alden, 

ed. of the Memorial, p. 174, and Ap- John Howland, and Stephen Hopkins, 

pendix, pp. 396-400 ; Harris's Report Morton's Memorial. — Ed. 



316 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

affection towards them as before, &c. 2 ly . For M r . Allertons 
accounts, he is perswaded they must suffer, and y l in no 
small sumes ; and that they have cause enough to com- 
plaine, but it was now too late. And that he had failed 
them ther, those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes. 
And that now, having thus left them here, he feared God 
had or would leave him, and it would not be Strang, but 
a wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3 ly . He 
blesseth God and is thankfull to them for y e good returne 
made this year. This is y e effecte of his letters, other 
things being of more private nature. 

I am now to enter upon one of y e sadest things that 
befell them since they came ; but before I begine, it will 
be needfull to premise such parte of their patente as gives 
them right and priviledge at Kenebeck ; as followeth : 

[199] The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, 
sold, infeoffed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and by these pres- 
ents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, bargane, sell, alliene, 
enrTeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme unto y e said William Brad- 
ford, his heires, associates, and assignes, All that tracte of land 
or part of New-England in America afForesaid, which lyeth 
within or betweene, and extendeth it selfe from y e utmost limits 
of Cobiseconte, which adjoyneth to y e river of Kenebeck, towards 
the westerne ocean, and a place called y 9 falls of Nequamkick 
in America, aforsaid; and y e space of 15. English myles on each 
side of y e said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all 
y e said river called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits && 
bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last above 
mentioned ; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, waters, fishing, 
&c. And by vertue of y e authority to us derived by his said 
late Ma tis Lres patents, to take, apprehend, seise, and make 
prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempte 
to inhabite or trade with y e savage people of that countrie 
within y e severall precincts and limits of his & their severall 
plantations, &c* 

Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to y e 

* See the Plymouth patent, which includes this grant, in Plymouth Colony 
Laws, Brigham's ed. — Ed. 



1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 317 

plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and cofriod- 
ities to trade in that river, and would needs press into 
their limites ; and not only so, but would needs goe up y fi 
river above their house, (towards y 9 falls of y e river,) and 
intercept the trade that should come to them. He that 
was cheefe* of y e place forbad them, and prayed him that 
he would not offer them that injurie, nor goe aboute to 
infring their liberties, which had cost them so dear. But 
he answered he would goe up and trade ther in dispite of 
them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other 
tould him he must then be forced to remove him from 
thence, or make seasure of him if he could. He bid him 
doe his worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The 
other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, when 
he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by 
what perswasion he could. But all in vaine : he could gett 
nothing of him but ill words. So he considred that now 
was y e season for trade to come downe, and if he should 
suffer him to lye, & take it from them, all ther former 
charge would be lost, and they had better throw up all. 
So, consulting with his men, (who were willing thertoe,) 
he resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him 
drive downe y e river with y e streame ; but comanded y e 
men y l none should shoote a shote upon any occasion, 
except he comanded them. He spoake to him againe, 
but all in vaine ; then he sente a cuple in a canow to cutt 
his cable, the which one of them performes ; but Hocking 
taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and as y e barke 
shered by y e canow, he shote [200] him close under her 
side, in y e head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead in- 
stantly.*]* One of his fellows (that loved him well) could 
not hold, but with a muskett shot Hocking,J who fell 

* John Howland. See the note fol- Eng. Hist, and Geneal. Reg., IX. 80. 

lowing. — Ed. From this it appears that John How- 

t The name of this person shot was land was the person in command there 

Moses Talbott. A deposition relating at this time. — Ed. 

to this affair, taken from the Plymouth % Winthrop, under date of May 3, 

Colony Records, is printed in the New 1633, says : " News came of the death 



318 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

downe dead and never speake word. This was y e truth 
of y e thing. The rest of y e men carried home the vessell 
and y e sad tidings of these things. Now y e Lord Saye & 
y e Lord Brooks, with some other great persons, had a 
hand in this plantation ; they write home to them, as 
much as they could to exasperate them in y e matter, 
leaveing out all y e circomstances, as if he had been kild 
without any offenc of his parte, conceling y l he had kild 
another first, and y e just occasion that he had given in 
offering such wrong ; at w ch their Lords ps were much of- 
fended, till they were truly informed of y e mater. 

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and 
y l in y e worst maner,) and came into y e Bay to their neigh- 
bours their. Their owne barke coming home, and bring- 
ing a true relation of y e matter, sundry were sadly affected 
with y e thing, as they had cause. It was not long before 
they had occasion to send their vessell into y e Bay of y e 
Massachusetts ; but they were so prepossest with this 
matter, and affected with y e same, as they comited M r . 
Alden to prison, who was in y e bark, and had been at 
Kenebeck, but was no actore in y e bussines, but wente to 
carie them supply. They dismist y e barke aboute her 
bussines, but kept him for some time* This was thought 
Strang here, and they sente Capten Standish to give them 
true information, (togeather with their letters,) and y e best 
satisfaction they could, and to procure M r . Alden's release. 
I shall recite a letter or 2.f which will show the passages 
of these things, as folloeth. 

Good S r : 

I have received your ire 3 by Gaptaine Standish, & am un- 
fainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in y e recovery of your 
health, or some way thertoo. For y e bussines you write of, I 
thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your selfe, leaving the 

of Hockin and the Plymouth man at that Alden was bound over, with sure- 

Kenebec," &c. — Ed. ties, not to depart out of the jurisdic- 

* From Winthrop's Journal, and tion without leave. — Ed. 

from the Records of Mass., it appears f Written doubtless to Bradford. — Ed. 



1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 319 

answer of your Gov r ire to our courte, to whom y° same, to- 
gether with my selfe is directed. I conceive (till I hear new 
matter to y e contrary) that your patente may warrente your re- 
sistance of any English from trading at Kenebeck, and y l blood 
of Hocking, and y e partie he slue, will be required at his hands. 
Yet doe I with your selfe & others sorrow for their deaths. I 
thinke likewise y l your generall Ires will satisfie our courte, and 
make them cease from any further inter medling in y e mater. 
I have upon y e same ire sett M r . Alden at liberty, and his sure- 
ties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglecte y e opinion of our 
court & y e frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound 
Captaine Standish to appeare y e 3. of June at our nexte courte, 
to make affidavid for y e coppie of y e patente, and to manifest the 
circumstances of Hockins provocations ; both which will tend to 
y e clearing of your inocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben taken 
from what we have done, let it be further & better considred of, 
I pray you ; and I hope y e more you thinke of it, the lesse blame 
you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differ- 
encing them, whose opinions concurr [201] with your owne, 
from others who were opposites ; and yet I may truly say, I 
have spoken w th no man in y e bussines who taxed you most, but 
they are such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther 
good affections towards your plantation. I further referr my 
selfe to y e reporte of Captaine Standish & M r . Allden ; leaving 
you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you per- 
fecte recovery of health, and y e long continuance of it. I desire 
to be lovingly remembred to M r . Prence, your Gov r , M r . Wins- 
low, M r . Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The 
Lord keepe you all. Amen. 

Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 

Tho: Dudley.* 
New-towne, y e 22. of May, 1634. 

Another of his about these things as follow eth. 

S r : I am right sorrie for y e news that Captaine Standish & 
other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now 
to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion, 

* The arrest of Alden took place inauguration of Dudley to that office, 
this month, while Winthrop was Gov- See Records of Mass., III. 119; Win- 
ernor, and just before the election or throp, I. 131, 132. — Ed. 



320 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

which differeth from others, who are godly & wise, amongst us 
here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth me to suspecte 
myne owne ignorance ; yet must I remaine in it untill I be con- 
vinced therof. I thought not to have shewed your letter written 
to me, but to have done my best to have reconciled differences in 
y e best season & maner I could ; but Captaine Standish requir- 
ing an answer therof publickly in y e courte, I was forced to pro- 
duce it, and that made y e breach soe wide as he can tell you. 
I propounded to y e courte, to answer M r . Prences Ire, your Gov r , 
but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an an- 
swer to a former Ire of ours. I pray you certifie M r . Prence so 
much, and others whom it concereth, that no neglecte or ill 
mailers be imputed to me theraboute. The late ires I received 
from England wrought in me divere fears* of some trials 
which are shortly like to fall upon us ; and this unhappie con- 
tention betweene you and us, and between you & Pascattaway, 
will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie hand doe not 
help us. To reconcile this for y e presente will be very dimculte, 
but time cooleth distempers, and a comone danger to us boath 
approaching, will necessitate our uniting againe. I pray you 
therfore, S r . set your wisdom & patience a worke, and exhorte 
others to y e same, that things may not proceede from bad to 
worse, so making our contentions like y e barrs of a pallace, but 
that a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat y e God of peace 
may have enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it 
shall be your honor to bear it patiently ; but I goe to farr in 
needles putting you in mind of these things. God hath done 
great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be multiplied 
upon you more & more. I will commite no more to writing, 
but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest, 

Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 

Tho : Dudley. 
June 4. 1634. 

By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, 
and how hard they were to be reconciled; for though 
they hear were hartily sorrie for what was fallen out, yet 

* Ther was cause enough of these by which this Comission following was 
feares, which arise by y e underworking procured from his Ma tie . [See this 
of some enemies to ye churches here, paper in the Appendix, No II. — Ed.] 



1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 321 

they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and provoked 
to what was done ; and that their neigbours (haveing no 
jurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to 
imprison one of theirs, and bind them to [202] their 
courte. But yet being assured of their Christian love, 
and perswaded what was done was out of godly zeale, 
that religion might not suffer, nor sine any way covered 
or borne with, espetially y e guilte of blood, of which all 
should be very consciencious in any whom soever, they 
did indeavore to appease & satisfie them y e best they 
could ; first, by informing them y e truth in all circom- 
stances aboute y e matter ; 2 ly , in being willing to referr 
y e case to any indifferante and equall hearing and judg- 
mente of the thing hear, and to answere it els wher when 
they should be duly called therunto ; and further they 
craved M r . Winthrops, & other of y e reve d magistrats 
ther, their advice & direction herein. This did molline 
their minds, and bring things to a good & comfortable 
issue in y e end. 

For they had this advice given them by M r . Winthrop, 
& others concurring with him, that from their courte, 
they should write to the neigboure plantations, & espe- 
tially that of y e lords, at Pascataway, and theirs of y e 
Massachusets, to appointe some to give them meeting at 
some fltt place, to consulte & determine in this matter, so 
as y e parties meeting might have full power to order & 
bind, &c. And that nothing be done to y e infringing or 
prejudice of y e liberties of any place. And for y e clearing 
of conscience, y e law of God is, y l y e preist lips must be 
consulted with, and therfore it was desired that y e minis- 
ters of every plantation might be presente to give their 
advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course 
seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well assured 
of y e justice of their cause, and y e equitie of their freinds, 
as they put them selves upon it, & appointed a time, of 
which they gave notice to y e severall places a month 
41 



322 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

before hand ; viz. Massachusets, Salem, & Pascataway, or 
any other y l they would give notice too, and disired them 
to produce any evidence they could in y e case. The place 
for meeting was at Boston. But when y e day & time 
came, none apered, but some of y e magistrats and minis- 
ters of y e Massachusets, and their owne.* Seeing none of 
Passcataway or other places came, (haveing been thus de- 
sired, & conveniente time given them for y l end,) M r . Win- 
throp & y e rest said they could doe no more then they had 
done thus to requeste them, y e blame must rest on them. 
So they fell into a fair debating of things them selves ; 
and after all things had been fully opened & discussed, 
and y e opinione of each one demanded, both magistrats, 
and ministers, though they all could have wished these 
things had never been, yet they could not but lay y e blame 
& guilt on Hockins owne head ; and withall gave them 
such grave & godly exhortations and advice, as they 
thought meete, both for y e presente & future ; which they 
allso imbraced with love & thankfullnes, promising to 
indeavor to follow y e same. And thus was this matter 
ended, and ther love and concord renewed ; and also M r . 
Winthrop & M r . Dudley write in their behalfes to y e Lord 
Ssay & other gentl-men that were interesed in y l planta- 
tion, very effectually, w th which, togeather with their 
owne leters, and M r . Winslows furder declaration of things 
unto them, they rested well satisfied. 

[203] M r . Winslow was sente by them this year into 
England, partly to informe and satisfie y e Lord Say & 
others, in y e former matter, as also to make answer and 
their just defence for y e same, if any thing should by any 
be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher ; 
but this matter tooke end, without any further trouble, 

* Under date of July 9th of this to confer with some of our magistrates 

year, Winthrop writes: " Mr. Bradford and ministers about their case of Kene- 

and Mr. Winslow, two of the magis- bee. They met hereabout Mr. Win- 

trates of Plymouth, with Mr. Smith, throp, Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Wilson." 

their pastor, came to Boston by water, See Winthrop, I. 136, 137. — Ed. 



1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 323 

las is before noted. And partly to signifie unto y e partners 
in England, that the terme of their trade with y e company 
here was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe y e ac- 
counts with them, and to bring them notice how much 
debtore they should remaine on y l accounte, and that they 
might know what further course would be best to hold. 
But y e issue of these things will appear in y e next years 
passages. They now sente over by him a great returne, 
which was very acceptable unto them; which was in 
beaver 3738 H . waight, (a great part of it, being coat- 
beaver, sould at 20 s . p r pound,) and 234. otter skines ; * 
which alltogeather rise to a great sume of money. 

This year f (in y e foreparte of y e same) they sente forth 
a barke to trad at y e Dutch-Plantation ; and they mette 
ther with on Captaine Stone, that had lived in Christo- 
phers, one of y e West-Ende Hands, and now had been 
some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these 
parts. He kept company with y e Dutch Gove r , and, I 
know not in what drunken fitt, he gott leave of y e Gov r 
to ceaise on their barke, when they were ready to come 
away, and had done their markett, haveing y e valew of 
500 H . worth of goods abord her; having no occasion 
at all, or any collour of ground for such a thing, but 
having made y e Gov r drunck, so as he could scarce speake 
a right word; and when he urged him hear aboute, he 
answered him, Als'tu belief t.% So he gat abord, (the cheefe 
of their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some of 



* And y e skin at 14 s . mouth pinnace after her rescue agreed 

f According to Winthrop, the trans- with Captain Stone and the Dutch Gov- 

action here narrated occurred in the ernor "to pass it by.". And "those 

previous year. Under date of June 2d, of Plymouth being persuaded that it 

1633, he notices the arrival of Captain would turn to their reproach, and that 

Stone at Boston; and also that the it could be no piracy, with their consent 

Governor of Plymouth sent Captain we withdrew our recognizance." Win- 

Standish to prosecute him for piracy, throp makes further mention of Stone, 

for the cause here related ; and Stone showing him to have been a man of 

was bound over. It was, however, dissolute character. See Winthrop, I. 

not proceeded in, for the reason, as Win- 104, 111. — Ed. 

throp states, that the master of the Ply- % That is, " If you please." — Ed. 



324 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

his owne men, made y e rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett 
sayle, & carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse 
of y e Dutch sea-men, which had bene often at Plimoth, 
and kindly entertayned ther, said one to another, Shall 
we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their 
goods carried away, before our faces, whilst our Gov r is 
drunke] They vowed they would never suffer it; and 
so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him, & brought him 
in againe, and delivered them their barke 8c goods againe. 
After wards Stone came into y e Massachusets, and they 
sent & commensed suite against him for this facte ; but 
by mediation of freinds it was taken up, and y e suite lett 
fall. And in y e company of some other gentle-men Stone 
came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly & civill en- 
tertainmente amongst them, with y e rest ; but revenge 
boyled within his brest, (though concelled,) for some con- 
ceived he had a purpose (at one time) to have staped the 
Gov r , and put his hand to his dagger for that end, but 
by Gods providence and y e vigilance of some was pre- 
vented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, 
with one Captaine Norton 8c some others ; and, I know 
not for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigte- 
cutt River ; and how they carried themselves I know not, 
but y e Indeans knoct him in y e head, as he lay in his 
cabine, and had thrown y e covering over his face (whether 
out of fear or desperation is uncertaine); this was his 
end. They likewise killed all y e rest, but Captaine Norton 
defended him selfe a long time against them all in y e 
cooke-roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire, 
which (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before 
him, which did so burne, 8c scald him, & blind his eyes, 
as he could make no longer resistance, but was slaine also 
by them, though they much comended his vallour.* And 

* Under date of January 21, 1633-4, his companions, being eight," were cut 
Winthrop notices the report from Ply- off by the Pequots ; and he proceeds 
mouth, that Captain Stone and "all to narrate the circumstances of it. See 



1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 325 

having killed y e men, they made a pray of what they had, 
and chafered away some of their things to y ; Dutch that 
lived their. But it was not longe before a quarell fell 
betweene the Dutch & them, and they would have cutt 
of their bark ; but they slue y e cheef sachem w lh y e shott 
of a murderer.* 

I am now to relate some Strang and remarkable pas- 
sages. Ther was a company of people lived in y r country, 
up above in y e river of Conigtecut, a great way from their 
trading house ther, and were enimise to those Indeans 
which lived aboute them, and of whom they stood in some 
fear (bing a stout people). About a thousand of them 
had inclosed them selves in a forte, which they had 
strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4. Dutch men went up 
in y e begining of winter to live with them, to gett their 
trade, and prevente them for bringing it to y e English, or 
to fall into amitie with them ; but at spring to bring all 
downe to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it 
pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sicknes, 
and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. and a 
halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above 
ground for want of buriall, and y e Dutch men allmost 
starved before they could gett away, for ise and snow. 
But about Feb: they got with much difhcultie to their 
trading house ; whom they kindly releeved, being allmost 
spente with hunger and could. Being thus refreshed by 
them diverce days, they got to their owne place, and y e 
Dutch were very thankfull for this kindnes. 

This spring,! also, those Indeans that lived aboute their 

also Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 117 vember and December of the last year. 

-119; Trumbull, I. 69, 70. — Ed. Chickatabot, the sagamore of Napon- 

* The two paragraphs above were sett, John, sagamore of Winnesimmett, 

written on the reverse of folios 202 and and James, sagamore of Saugus, died 

203 of the original manuscript, under at this time of this disease. Above 

this year. — Ed. thirty were buried by Mr. Maverick, of 

f According to Winthrop, a great Winnesimmett, in one day. Under 

mortality among the Indians, from the date of January 21, 1633-4, Winthrop 

small-pox, which we may suppose to be says : " Hall and the two others, who 

the same here spoken of, occurred in No- went to Connecticut Nov. 3, came now 



326 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

trading house there fell sick of y e small poxe, and dyed 
most miserably ; for a sorer disease cannot befall them ; 
they fear it more then y e plague ; for usualy they that have 
this disease have them in abundance, and for wante of 
bedding & lining and other helps, they fall into a lamen- 
table condition, as they lye on their hard matts, y e poxe 
breaking and mattering, and runing one into another, 
their skin cleaving (by reason therof) to the matts they 
lye on ; when they turne them, a whole side will flea of 
at once, [204] (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore 
blood, most fearfull to behold ; and then being very sore, 
what with could and other distempers, they dye like rot- 
ten sheep. The condition of this people was so lamenta- 
ble, and they fell downe so generally of this diseas, as 
they were (in y e end) not able to help on another ; no, not 
to make a fire, nor to fetch a litle water to drinke, nor 
any to burie y e dead ; but would strivie as long as they 
could, and when they could procure no other means to 
make fire, they would burne y e woden trayes & dishes 
they ate their meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes ; 
& some would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, 
and some times dye by y e way, & not be able to gett in 
againe. But those of y e English house, (though at first 
they were afraid of y e infection,) yet seeing their woefull 
and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and 
lamentations, they had compastion of them, and dayly 
fetched them wood & water, and made them fires, gott 
them victualls whilst they lived, and buried them when 
they dyed. For very few of them escaped, notwithstand- 
ing they did what they could for them, to y e haszard of 
them selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & 
allmost all his freinds & kinred. But by y e marvelous 



home, &c. ; they informed us that the ganset, by the Indians' report, there 

small-pox was gone as far as any Indian died seven hundred." Winthrop, I. 

plantation was known to the west, and 115, 116, 119, 120, 123. — Ed. 
much people dead of it, &c. At Nara- 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 327 

goodnes & providens of God not one of y e English was 
so much as sicke, or in y e least measure tainted with this 
disease, though they dayly did these offices for them for 
many weeks togeather. And this mercie which they 
shewed them was kindly taken, and thankfully acknowl- 
edged of all y e Indeans that knew or heard of y e same ; 
and their m rs here did much comend & reward them for 



r -e 



y c same. 



Anno Dom\ 1635.* 

M R . Winslow was very wellcome to them in England, 
and y e more in regard of y e large returne he brought with 
him, which came all safe to their hands, and was well 
sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he so appre- 
hended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his 
returne, and all former differences ther aboute well setled. 
And so he writ over to them hear, that he hoped to 
cleare y e accounts, and bring them over with him ; and y l 
the accounte of y e White Angele would be taken of, and 
all things fairly ended. But it came to pass [205] that, 
being occasioned to answer some complaints made against 
the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning 
their neigbours in y e Bay then them selves hear, the 
which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting such 
things as might tend to y e good of y e whole, as well them 
selves as others, aboute y e wrongs and incroachments that 
the French & other strangers both had and were like fur- 
ther to doe unto them, if not prevented, he prefered this 
petition following to their Hon rs that were deputed Comis- 
sioners for y e Plantations. 



* Governor Bradford, out of modesty, Prence, William Collier, Miles Stan- 
omits to record his own re-election, dish, John Alden, John Howland, and 
from time to time, to the office of chief Stephen Hopkins, were chosen Assist- 
magistrate. He was chosen again this ants. Morton's Memorial. — Ed. 
year ; and Edward Winslow, Thomas 



328 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

To y e right honorable y e Lords Comissioners for y e Plantations 

in America. 

The humble petition of Edw : Winslow, on y e behalfe of y e 
plantations in New-England. 

Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, y l wheras your pe- 
titioners have planted them selves in New England under his 
Ma tis most gratious protection ; now so it is, right Hon bl , that y e 
French & Dutch doe indeaouer to devide y e land betweene them ; 
for which purpose y e French have, on y e east side, entered and 
seased upon one of our houses, and carried away the goods, 
slew 2. of y e men in another place, and tooke y e rest prisoners 
with their goods. And y e Dutch, on y e west, have also made 
entrie upon Conigtecute River, within y e limits of his Maj ts irs 
patent, where they have raised a forte, and threaten to ex pell 
your petitioners thence, who are also planted upon y e same river, 
maintaining possession for his Ma tie to their great charge, & 
hazard both of lives & goods. 

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray 
that your Lopp s will either procure their peace w th those foraine 
states, or else to give spetiall warrante unto your petitioners and 
y e English Collonies, to right and defend them selves* against 
all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall pray, &c. 

This petition found good acceptation with most of them, 
and M r . Winslow was heard sundry times by them, and 
appointed further to attend for an answer from their Lo pps , 
espetially, having upon conferance with them laid downe 
a way how this might be doone without any either charge 
or trouble to y e state ; only by furnishing some of y e 
cheefe of y e cuntry hear with authoritie, who would under- 
take it at their owne charge, and in such a way as should 
be without any publick disturbance. But this crossed 
both S r Ferdinandos Gorges' & Cap: Masons designe, and 
y e archbishop of Counterberies by them; for S r Ferd: 
Gorges (by y e arch-pps favore) was to have been sent 



* Winthrop intimates (I. 172) that by ill advice, for such precedents might 

this petition of Winslow, for authority endanger our liberty, that we should 

to resist the encroachments of the do nothing hereafter but by commission 

French and Dutch, was "undertaken out of England." — Ed. 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 329 

over generall Gov r * into y e countrie, and to have had 
means from y e state for y l end, and was now upon dispatch 
and conclude of y e bussines. And y e arch-bishops purpose 
& intente was, by his means, & some he should send with 
[him, (to be furnished with Episcopall power,) [206] to 
disturbe y e peace of y e churches here, and to overthrow 
their proceedings and further growth, which was y e thing 
he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods providence) that 
though he in y e end crost this petition from taking any 
further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means 
the plotte and whole bussines of his & S r Ferdinandos fell 
to y e ground, and came to nothing. When M r . Winslow 
should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon y e 
pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the arch- 
bishop put a stop upon it, and M r . Winslow, thinking to 
gett it freed, went to y e bord againe ; but y e bishop, S r 
Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it seemes, procured 
Morton (of whom mention is made before, & his base 
carriage) to complaine; to whose complaints M r . Wins- 
low made answer to y e good satisfaction of y e borde, who 
checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, & allso blamed 
S r Fer d Gorges, & Masson, for countenancing him. But 
y e bish: had a further end & use of his presence, for he 
now begane to question M r . Winslow of many things ; as 
of teaching in y e church publickly, of which Morton ac- 
cused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and heard 

* Sir Simonds D'Ewes, a contempo- and near finished, to transport him by 
rary, writing under the year 1634, no- sea, and much fear there was amongst 
tices the reports that have been given the godly lest that infant commonwealth 
out from time to time, that a bishop and and church should have been ruined by 
governor were to be sent to New Eng- him ; when God, that had carried so 
land, " to force upon them the yoke of many weak and crazy ships thither, so 
our ceremonies and intermixtures, so to provided it that this strong, new-built 
deter others from going. And indeed," ship in the very launching fell all in 
he continues, "at this time the same pieces, no man knew how, this spring 
report was more likely to be fulfilled ensuing, and so preserved his dear chil- 
than ever, before or since : for one Sir dren there at this present from that fatal 
Ferdinando Gorges was nominated for danger, nor hath since suffered them as 
Governor, and there was a consultation yet to come under the like fear." Auto- 
had to send him thither with a thousand biography of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, II. 
soldiers; a ship was now in building, 118. — Ed. 

42 



330 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

him doe it ; to which M r . Winslow answered, that some 
time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his gifte to help 
y e edification of his breethren, when they wanted better 
means, w ch was not often. Then aboute mariage, the 
which he also confessed, that, haveing been called to place 
of magistracie, he had sometimes maried some. And fur- 
ther tould their lord ps y l mariage was a civille thinge, & 
he found no wher in y e word of God y l it was tyed to 
ministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, hav- 
ing for a long time togeather at first no minister ; besids, 
it was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him selfe 
in Holand, by y e magistrats in their Statt-house. But in 
y e end (to be short), for these things, y e bishop, by ve- 
mente importunity, gott y e bord at last to consente to his 
comittemente ; so he was comited to y e Fleete, and lay ther 
17. weeks, or ther aboute, before he could gett to be re- 
leased. And this was y e end of this petition, and this 
bussines ; only y e others designe was also frustrated here- 
by, with other things concurring, which was no smalle 
blessing to y e people here. 

But y e charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in M r . 
Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) but by 
y e hinderance of their bussines both ther and hear, by his 
personall imploymente. For though this was as much 
or more for others then for them hear, and by them cheefly 
he was put on this bussines, (for y e plantation kewe noth- 
ing of it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet y e whole 
charge lay on them. 

Now for their owne bussines ; whatsoever M r . Sherleys 
mind was before, (or M r . Winslow apprehension of y e 
same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that he would 
neither take of y e White- Angell from y e accounte, nor 
[207] give any further accounte, till he had received more 
into his hands ; only a prety good supply of goods were 
sent over, but of y e most, no note of their prises, or so 
orderly an invoyce as formerly ; which M r . Winslow said 



■ 1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 331 

lihe could not help, because of his restraints Only now 
BM r . Sherley & M r . Beachamp & M r . Andrews sent over a 
lletter of atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere 
[what they could of M r . Allerton for y e Angells accounte ; 
but sent them neither y e bonds, nor covenants, or such 
Bother evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these mat- 
ters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of M r . Sher- 
Jleys letters aboute these things. 

Your leter of y e 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our lov- 
ing friend M r . Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell 
of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it 
came safly to us, and we have sould it in tow parcells ; y e skin 
at 14 s . ii. & some at 16. ; y e coate at 20 s . y e pound. The ac- 
| counts I have not sent you them this year, I will referr you to 
I M r . Winslow to tell you y e reason of it ; yet be assured y l none 
of you shall suffer by y e not having of them, if God spare me 
life. And wheras you say y e 6. years are expired y l y e peopl 
put y e trad into your & our hands for, for y e discharge of y l 
great debte w ch M r . Allerton needlesly & unadvisedly ran you 
& us into ; * yet it was promised it should continue till our dis- 
bursments & ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it is 
done ; we feele & know other wise, &c. I doubt not but we 
shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all y l hath been writen, on 
boath sids, aboute y e Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a 
letter of atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and 
to shadow it y e more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may 
be of M r . Allerton towards y e satisfing of that great charge of 
y e White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, (though 
at present I cannot find it,) but he hath often affirmed, with 
great protestations, y l neither you nor we should lose a peny by 
him, and I hope you shall find enough to discharg it, so as we 

* Mr. Sherley does not state this about 600Z. So that the whole amount 
correctly. The partnership of the un- which they came under obligation to dis- 
dertakers, who hired the trade of the charge, supposing the last sum to be cor- 
colony for six years, was entered into rectly estimated, was but 2400/. "That 
for the purpose of discharging the debt great debt which Mr. Allerton need- 
of 1800/. incurred by the colony in the lessly and unadvisedly " ran the part- 
purchase from the adventurers of all ners into, to use Mr. Sherley 's lan- 
their interest in the plantation. They guage, had not then been incurred, 
assumed , in addition, all the debts which See pages 225 - 227, 290. — Ed. 
then lay upon the colony, estimated at 



332 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet, notwithstanding 
his unnaturall & unkind dealing with yon, in y e midest of jus- 
tice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, &c. Set us 
out of debte, and then let us recone & reason togeither, &c. 
M r . Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I 
am perswaded it will turne much to all your good. I leave him 
to relate perticuleres, &c. 

Your loving freind, 

James Sherley. 
London, Sep: 7. 1635. 

This year they sustained an other great loss from y e 
French.* Monsier de Aulney coming into y e harbore of 
Penobscote, and having before gott some of y e cheefe y l be- 
longed to y e house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon 
them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in ; and 
after getting y e rest into his power, he tooke possession of 
y e house in y e name of y e king of France ; and partly by 
threatening, & other wise, made M r . Willett (their agente 
ther) to approve of y e sale of y e goods their unto him, of 
which he sett y e price him selfe [208] in effecte, and made 
an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but 



* Winthrop, under date of August 
of this year, writes : " At this time a 
French ship came with commission from 
the king of France (as they pretend- 
ed) and took Penobscot, a Plymouth 
trading-house." They sent away the 
men which were in it, " and bade them 
tell all the plantations, as far as forty 
degrees, that they would come with 
eight ships next year, and displant them 
all. But by a letter which the captain 
wrote to the Governor of Plymouth, it 
appeared that they had commission from 
Mons. Rosselly, commander of the fort 
near Cape Breton, called La Havre, to 
displant the English as far as Pemaquid, 
and by it they professed all courtesy to 
us here." 

By the treaty of St. Germains, con- 
cluded March 29th, 1632, Charles I. 
conveyed to Louis XIII. the whole 
of the territory of New France, which 
had been captured from the French three 



years before. Razillai was appointed 
to the chief command of the Acadian 
country, and resided principally at La 
Have. A subordinate command east- 
ward of St. Croix he delegated to La 
Tour ; and that westward as far as the 
French claimed, to D'Aulney. Razillai 
died in 1635, or soon after, and each of 
the subordinate officers claimed the gov- 
ernment of Acadie, and made war upon 
one another. A somewhat romantic 
interest pervades the history of these 
rivals, whose quarrels for a series of 
years disturbed the tranquillity of their 
English neighbors. After the capture 
of the Plymouth trading-house, here 
narrated, D'Aulney selected Penobscot 
as his place of residence for a time. See 
Chalmers's Annals, p. 93 ; Hutchin- 
son's Mass., 1st ed., I. 128-135 ; Wil- 
liamson's Maine, I. 245-248, 261-264, 
307-324; Winthrop's New England, 
passim. — Ed. 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 333 

made no paymente for them ; but tould them in conven- 
ient time he would doe it if they came for it. For y e 
house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor accounte 
any thing, saing that they which build on another mans 
ground doe forfite y e same. So thus turning them out of 
all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine 
words,) he let them have their shalop and some victualls 
to bring them home. Coming home and relating all the 
passages, they here were much troubled at it, & haveing 
had this house robbed by y e French once before, and lost 
then above 500 H . (as is before remembred),* and now to 
loose house & all, did much move them. So as they re- 
solved to consulte with their freinds in y e Bay, and if y ey 
approved of it, (ther being now many ships ther,) they 
intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out y e 
Frenche, and recover it againe. Ther course was well 
approved on, if them selves could bear y e charge ; so they 
hired a fair ship of above 300. tune, well fitted with ord- 
nance, and agreed with y e m r . (one Girling -J*) to this 
effecte : that he and his company should deliver them y e 
house, (after they had driven out, or surprised y e French,) 
and give them peacable possession therof, and of all such 
trading comodities as should ther be found ; and give y e 
French fair quarter & usage, if they would yeeld. In 
consideration wherof he was to have 700 H . of beaver, to 
be delivered him ther, when he had done y e thing ; but if 
he did not accomplish it, he was to loose his labour, and 
have nothing. With him they also sent their owne bark, 
and about 20. men, with Captaine Standish, to aide him 
(if neede weer), and to order things, if the house was re- 
gained ; and then to pay him y e beaver, which they keept 
abord their owne barke. So they with their bark piloted 
him thither, and brought him safe into y e harbor. But he 

* See pp. 293, 294. — Ed. Penobscot. The master, Mr. Girling, 

f " The Plymouth men had hired was to have for it 200Z." Winthrop, I. 

the Great Hope, to go to displant the 168. — Ed. 

French, and regain their possession at 



334 HISTORY OF 



BOOK II. 



was so rash & heady as he would take no advice, nor 
would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone 
them, (who had coihission & order so to doe,) neither 
would doe it him selfe ; the which, it was like, if it had 
been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their 
force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he have 
patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution, 
but begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did 
them no hurte at all ; the which when those of y e planta- 
tion saw, they were much greeved, and went to him & 
tould him he would doe no good if he did not lay his ship 
beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott of y e 
house). At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was per- 
swaded, and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to 
good purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe some 
good, his powder was goone; for though he had* . . f 
peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he had but a 
barrell of powder, and a peece ; so he could doe no good, 
but was faine to draw of againe ; by which means y e en- 
terprise was made frustrate, and y e French incouraged ; 
for all y e while that he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close 
under a worke of earth, & let him consume him selfe. 
He advised with y e Captaine how he might be supplyed 
with powder, for he had not to carie him home ; so he 
tould him he would goe to y e next plantation, and doe his 
indeour to procure him some, and so did ; but understand- 
ing, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on y e barke, 
& surprise y e beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought 
y e barke & beaver home. But Girling never assualted y e 
place more, (seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his 
way ; and this was y e end of this bussines. 

Upon y e ill success of this bussines, the Gov r and As- 
sistants here by their leters certified their freinds in y e 
Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and dis- 
apoynted, and y l the French partly had, and were now 

* That is, pretended to have. — Ed. f Blank in the original. — Ed. 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 335 

likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and likly to 
become ill neigbours to y e English. Upon this they thus 
writ to them as folloeth : — 

Worthy S rs : Upon y e reading of your leters, & consideration 
of y e waightines of y e cause therin mentioned, the courte hath 
joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you with men & 
munition, for y e accomplishing of your desires upon y e French. 
But because here are none of yours y l have authority to con- 
clude of any thing herein, nothing can be done by us for y e 
presente. We desire, therfore, that you would with all conven- 
iente speed send some man of trust, furnished with instructions 
from your selves, to make such agreemente with us about this 
bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So in 
hast we comite you to God, and remaine 

Your assured loving freinds, 

John Haynes, Gov r . 

Ri : Bellingham, Dep. 

Jo : Winthrop. 

Tho : Dudley. 

Jo : Humfray. 

W M I CoDDINGTON. 
W M : PlNCHON. 

Atherton Houghe. 
Increas Nowell. 
Eic : Dumer. 
Simon Bradstrete. 
New-towne, Octo r 9. 1635. 

Upon the receite of y e above mentioned, they presently 
deputed 2. of theirs* to treate with them, giving them full 
power to conclude, according to the instructions they gave 
them, being to this purposs : that if they would afford 
such assistance as, togeather with their owne, was like to 
effecte the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of y e 
charge, they would goe on; if not, [210] they (having lost 
so much allready) should not be able, but must desiste, 
and waite further opportunitie as God should give, to help 

* Mr. Prence and Captain Standish. Winthrop, I. 168, 169. — Ed. 



336 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

them selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came 
to y e issue, they would be at no charge, but sente them 
this letter, and referd them more at large to their owne 
messengers. 

S r : Having, upon y e consideration of your letter, with y e 
message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute y e 
great importance of your bussines with y e French, we gave our 
answer to those whom you deputed to conferr w lh us aboute 
y e viage to Penobscote. We shewed our willingnes to help, but 
withall we declared our presente condition, & in what state we 
were, for our abilitie to help ; which we for our parts shall be 
willing to improve, to procure you sufficente supply of men & 
munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at 
all to promise, and if we should, we should rather disapoynte 
you, then incourage you by y l help, which we are not able to 
performe. We likewise thought it fitt to take y e help of other 
Esterne plantations; but those things we leave to your owne 
wisdomes. And for other things we refer you to your owne 
comitties, who are able to relate all y e passages more at large. 
We salute you, & wish you all good success in y e Lord. 
Your faithfull & loving friend, 

Ri : Bellingham, Dep : 
In y e name of y e rest of the Comities. 

Boston, Octob r 16. 1635. 

This thing did not only thus breake of, but some of 
their merchants shortly after sent to trad with them, and 
furnished them both with provissions, & poweder & shott ; 
and so have continued to doe till this day, as they have 
seen opportunitie for their profite. So as in truth y e Eng- 
lish them selves have been the cheefest supporters of these 
French; for besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid* 
(which lyes near unto them) doth not only supply them 
with what y ey wante, but gives them continuall intelli- 

* A settlement is said to have been grant of Pemaquid from the Council, 

made at Pemaquid as early as 1623, or and resided here for many years, and 

1624. In 1626, according to his depo- was superintendent and chief magis- 

sition sworn to in 1662, Abraham trate of the settlement. See William- 

Shurte came over as agent of Eldridge son's Maine, I. 241, 242, 603, 694; 

and Aldsworth, who in 1631-2 had a Winthrop, I. 61, 79. — Ed. 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 337 

gence of all things that passes amonge y e English, (espe- 
tially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they 
still grow, & incroach more & more upon y e English, and 
fill y e Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to y e great 
deanger of y e English, who lye open & unfortified, liv- 
ing upon husbandrie; and y e other closed up in their 
forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in good securitie. 
If these things be not looked too, and remeady provided 
in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come 
toe ; but I leave them. 

This year, y e 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday*) 
was such a mighty storme of wind & raine, as none living 
in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever saw. Being 
like (for y e time it continued) to those Hauricanes and 
Tuffons that writers make mention of in y e Indeas. It 
began in y e morning, a litle before day, and grue not by 
degrees, but came with violence in y e begining, to y e great 
amasmente of many. It blew downe sundry [211] houses, 
& uncovered others; diverce vessells were lost at sea, and 
many more in extreme danger. It caused y e sea to swell 
(to y e southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up 
& downe, and made many of the Indeans to clime into 
trees for their saftie ; it tooke of y e borded roofe of a 
house which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and 
floted it to another place, the posts still standing in y e 
ground ; and if it had continued long without y e shifting 
of y e wind, it is like it would have drouned some parte of 
y e cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of 
trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking 
the hiegher pine trees of in the midle, and y e tall yonge 

* Saturday was the 15th of August. Bristol (Eng.), with one hundred pas- 

Winthrop erroneously records it under sengers, among whom were Richard 

the 16th. During this same tempest, Mather and Jonathan Mitchell, was met 

Anthony Thatcher was shipwrecked in by this storm in coming upon our coast, 

going from Ipswich to Marblehead in a and barely escaped destruction. See 

bark belonging to Mr. Allerton, con- Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 

taining twenty-three persons, all but pp. 473-476, 485-495 ; Winthrop, I. 

two of whom perished. The James, of 164- 166. — Ed. 

43 



338 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

oaks & walnut trees of good biggnes were wound like a 
withe, very Strang & fearfull to behould. It begane in 
y e southeast, and parted toward y e south & east, and 
vered sundry ways ; but y e greatest force of it here was 
from y e former quarters. It continued not (in y e extrem- 
itie) above 5. or 6. houers, but y e violence begane to abate. 
The signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years 
in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered 
a great eclips the 2. night after it. 

Some of their neighbours in y e Bay, hereing of y e fame 
of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind after it, (as 
was before noted,) and now understanding that y e Indeans 
were swepte away with y e late great mortalitie, the fear 
of whom was an obstacle unto them before, which being 
now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with 
great egernes. The greatest differances fell betweene 
those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they 
set their minde on that place, which they had not only 
purchased of y e Indeans, but wher they had builte ; in- 
tending only (if they could not remove them) that they 
should have but a smale moyety left to y e house, as to a 
single family; whose doings and proceedings were con- 
ceived to be very injurious, to attempte not only to in- 
trude them selves into y e rights & possessions of others, 
but in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were y e 
leters & passages that went betweene them hear aboute, 
which would be to long here to relate. 

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by 
their own agente from thence. 

S r : &c. Y e Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some 
by water, & some by land, who are not yet determined wher to 
setle, though some have a great mind to y e place we are upon,* 
and which was last bought. Many of them look at that which 

# A portion of the church at Dor- cut, and settled at this place, which 
Chester, of which Mr. Warham was was afterwards called Windsor. See 
pastor, removed this year to Connecti- page 340, notef. — Ed. 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 339 

this river will not afford, excepte it be at this place which we 
have, namly, to be a great towne, and have comodious dwell- 
ings for many togeather. So as what they will doe I cannot 
yet resolve you ; for this place ther is none of them say any 
thing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I 
perceive their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. 
I hope they will hear reason ; as that we were here first, and 
entred with much difficulty and danger, [212] both in regard of 
y e Dutch & Indeans, and bought y e land, (to your great charge, 
allready disbursed,) and have since held here a chargable pos- 
session, and kept y e Dutch from further incroaching, which 
would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out 
all others, &c. I hope these & such like arguments will stoppe 
them. It was your will we should use their persons & messen- 
gers kindly, & so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great 
charge ; for y e first company had well nie starved had it not 
been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to 
supply 12. men for 9. days togeather ; and those which came 
last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (& 
y e other) with canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with 
them to y e Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to 
have quiet setling nere them ; but they did peremtorily with- 
stand them. But this later company did not once speak therof, 
&c. Also I gave their goods house roome according to their 
ernest request, and M r . Pinchons letter in their behalfe (which 
I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble 
& charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are coming 
dayly, and I expecte these back againe from below, whither 
they are gone to veiw y e countrie. All which trouble & charg 
we under goe for their occasion, may give us just cause (in y e 
judgmente of all wise & understanding men) to hold and keep 
that we are setled upon. Thus with my duty remembred, &c. 
I rest 

Yours to be comanded 

JOHNNATHA BREWSTER.* 

Matianuck, July 6. 1635. 

* Jonathan Brewster, the eldest son moved to New London, Conn. See 
of Elder Brewster, came over in the notices of him and his family, in Win- 
Fortune in 1621. He removed to Dux- sor's Duxbury, pp. 235, 236, and in 
bury in 1632, and was a prominent citi- Miss F. M. Caulkins's New London, 
zen of that place. He afterwards re- pp. 276-278. — Ed. 



340 HISTORY or [book II. 

Amongst y e many agitations that pased betweene them, 
I shal note a few out of their last letters, & for y e present 
omitte y e rest, except upon other occasion I may have 
fitter opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of y e place, 
they began to pitch them selves upon their land & near 
their house; which occasioned much expostulation be- 
tweene them. Some of which are such as follow. 

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate 
& bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about 
some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng ; upon 
which God by his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a 
faire way of providence tendered it to us, as a meete place to 
receive our body, now upon removall. 

A.* We shall not need to answer all y e passages of your larg 
letter, &c. But wheras you say God in his providence cast you, 
&c, we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) must now 
tell you still, that our mind is 'other wise, and y l you cast rather 
a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that w ch is your neigbours, 
and not yours ; and in so doing, your way could not be faire 
unto it. Looke y l you abuse not Gods providence in such alle- 
gations. 

Theirs. 

Now allbeite we at first judged y e place so free y l we might 
with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to any 
man, it being the Lords [213] wast, and for y e presente alto- 
geather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded y e imploymente 
therof, to y e right ends for which land was created, Gen : 1. 28. 
and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine possibilities of 
this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a 
case as ours espetialy) not meete to be equalled with presente 
actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to be prefered 
before them ; and therfore did we make some weake beginings 
in that good worke, in y e place afforesaid. 

Ans : Their answer was to this effecte.f That if it was 

* Answer. — Ed. 1635, writes: "The Dorchester men 

f Winthrop, under date of August, being set down at Connecticut, near the 



1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 341 

y e Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so, & not 
they ; and have since bought it of y e right oweners, and 
maintained a chargable possession upon it al this while, 
as them selves could not but know. And because of 
present ingagments and other hinderances which lay at 
presente upon them, must it therfore be lawfull for them 
to goe and take it from them 1 It was well known that 
they are upon a barren place, wher they were by necessitie 
cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue 
upon y e same ; and why should they (because they were 
more ready, & more able at presente) goe and deprive 
them of that which they had w th charg & hazard pro- 
vided, & intended to remove to, as soone as they could 
& were able % 

They had another passage in their letter ; they had 
rather have to doe with the lords in England, to whom 
(as they heard it reported) some of them should say that 
they had rather give up their right to them, (if they must 
part with it,) then to y e church of Dorchester, &c. And 
that they should be less fearfull to offend y e lords, then 
they were them. 

Ans : Their answer was, that what soever they had heard, 
(more then was true,) yet y e case was not so with them 
that they had need to give away their rights & adventurs, 
either to y e lords, or them ; yet, if they might measure 
their fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in 
that poynte) they should deal with y e lords, who were 
beter able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were. 

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other 
things, and come to the conclusion that was made in y e 
endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr from 
their thoughts, (they had enough of y l about Kenebeck,) 



Plymouth trading-house, the Governor, whose right it was; and the Dutch sent 

Mr. Bradford, wrote to them, complain- home into Holland for commission to 

ing of it as an injury, in regard of their deal with our people at Connecticut." 

possession and purchase of the Indians, — Ed. 



342 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

and to live in continuall contention with their freinds & 
brethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a bur- 
then to bear. Therfore for peace sake (though they con- 
ceived they suffered much in this thing) they thought it 
better to let them have it upon as good termes as they 
could gett ; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing y* 
(because they had made so many & long disputs aboute it) 
they would have them to grante was, y l they had right 
too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The 
which being acknowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this 
was y e conclusion they came unto in y e end after much 
adoe : that they should retaine their house, and have the 
16. parte of all they had bought of y e Indeans; and y e 
other should have all y e rest of y e land ; leaveing such a 
moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as they reserved for 
them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places ; one 
towards y e house, the other towards New-townes propor- 
tion. Also they were to pay according to proportion, 
what had been disbursed to y e Indeans for y e purchass.* 
Thus was y e controversie ended, but the unkindnes not so 
soone forgotten. They of New-towne delt more fairly, 
desireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a 
competancie reserved for a plantation, for them selves ; 
which made them the more carfull to procure a moyety 
for them, in this agreement & distribution. 



* Winthrop, under date Feb. 24, same place; but, after, they desired to 
1635-6, says: "Mr. Winslow of Ply- agree with them; for which end Mr. 
mouth came to treat with those of Dor- Winslow came to treat with them, and 
Chester about their land at Connecticut, demanded one sixteenth part of their 
which they had taken from them. It lands, and £ 100, which those of Dor- 
being doubtful whether that place were Chester not consenting unto, they brake 
within our patent or not, the Plymouth off, those of Plymouth expecting to 
men, about three years since, had treaty have due recompense after, by course 
with us about joining in erecting a plan- of justice, if they went on. But divers 
tation and trade there. We thought resolved to quit the place, if they could 
not fit to do anything then, but gave not agree with those of Plymouth." 
them leave to go on. Whereupon they Subsequently, as stated in the text, a 
bought a portion of land of the Indians, settlement was made with the people 
and built a house there, and the Dor- of Dorchester, " but the unkindness 
Chester men (without their leave) were not so soon forgotten." — Ed. 
now setting down their town in the 



1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 343 

Amongst y e other bussinesses that M r . Winslow had to 
doe in England, he had order from y e church to provid 
& bring over some able & fitt man for to be their minis- 
ter. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a 
worthy man, one M r . Glover ; but it pleased God when he 
was prepared for the viage, he fell sick of a feaver and 
dyed. Afterwards, when he was ready to come away, he 
became acquainted with M r . Norton* who was willing to 
come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place, 
otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear ; 
and if he liked better else wher, to repay y e charge laid out 
for him, (which came to aboute 70 H .) and to be at his lib- 
erty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came 
over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by 
them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many 
rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance ; so he 
wente to them, & is their minister. Aboute half of y e 
charg was repayed, y e rest he had for y e pains he tooke 
amongst them. 

Anno Dom: 1636. 

M R . Ed : Winslow was chosen Gov r this year. j* 

In y e former year, because they perceived by M r . Wins- 
lows later letters that no accounts would be sente, they 

* Morton, in the Plymouth church place April 5, 1663. See Emerson's 

Records, says that " Mr. Winslow met Hist, of the First Church in Boston, 

with Mr. John Norton, who, it seems, pp. 88-98. 

was then intended to come for New Winthrop notices Mr. Norton's ar- 

England, and so did in the same ship rival under date of December, 1635. He 

Mr. Winslow came over in, with whom says he was coming to the Massachu- 

he had treaty concerning our case. He setts, and the ship wherein he was put 

came into the harbor of Plymouth and into Plymouth by contrary winds, where 

there arrived, it being the setting in he continued preaching to them all the 

toward winter. He stayed until the winter. Winthrop, I. 175. — Ed. 

March following, and then went into * The Assistants this year were 

the Bay and returned no more, but en- William Bradford, Thomas Prence, 

tertained an invitation to Ipswich, and William Collier, John Alden, Timothy 

after the death of Mr. Cotton he came Hatherly, John Brown, and Stephen 

to Boston, and was teacher of the Old Hopkins. See Morton's Memorial, 

Church until his death," which took under this date. — Ed. 



344 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

resolved to keep y e beaver, and send no more, till they 
had them, or came to some further agreemente. At least 
they would forbear till M r . Win slow came over, that by 
more full conferance with him they might better under- 
stand what was meete to be done. But when he came, 
though he brought no accounts, yet he perswaded them to 
send y e beaver, & was confident upon y e receite of y l 
beaver, & his letters, they should have accounts y e nexte 
year ; and though they thought his grounds but weake, 
that gave him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet 
by his importunitie they yeelded, & sente y e same, ther 
being a ship at y e latter end of year, by whom they sente 
1150* 1 . waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids sun- 
drie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, &c. 
And this year, in y e spring, came in a Dutch man, who 
thought to have traded at y e Dutch-forte ; [215] but they 
would not suffer him. He, having good store of trading 
goods, came to this place, & tendred them to sell; of 
whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very 
good & fitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, &c, 
which goods amounted to y e valew of 500 H ., for y e pay- 
mente of which they passed bills to M r . Sherley in Eng- 
land, having before sente y e forementioned parcell of bea- 
ver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other 
good round parcell that might come to his hands, & be 
sould before any of these bills should be due. The quan- 
tity of beaver now sent was 1809 h . waight, and of otters 
10. skins, and shortly after (y e same year) was sent by 
another ship (M r . Langrume maister), in beaver 071 9 H . 
waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which M r . 
Sherley thus writs. 

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by 
Ed : Wilkinson, m r . of y e Falcon. Blessed be God for y e safe 
coming of it. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of exchainge, 
&c. But I must now acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand 
is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly in this cittie, 



1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 345 

with his judgmente of y e plague. The last weeks bill was 1200. 
& odd, I fear this will be more ; and it is much feared it will be 
a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it is incredible y e number 
of people y l are gone into y e cuntry & left y e citie. I am per- 
swaded many more then went out y e last great sicknes ; so as 
here is no trading, carriors from most places put downe ; nor no 
receiving of any money, though long due. M r . Hall ows us 
more then would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in 
y e cuntrie, 60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, 
but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell 
y e beaver at 8 s . p r pound, it would not yeeld money ; but when 
y e Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have 
better & quicker markets ; so it shall lye by. Before I ac- 
cepted y e bills, I acquainted M r . Beachamp & M r . Andrews with 
them, & how ther could be no money made nor received ; and 
that it would be a great discredite to you, which never yet had 
any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 1800 H . of beaver 
lying by us, and more oweing then y e bills come too, &c. But 
all was nothing ; neither of them both will put too their finger 
to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their 
answer they neither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils 
shall be satisfied to y e parties good contente ; but I would not 
have thought they would have left either you or me at this time, 
&c. You will and may expect I should write more, & answer 
your leters, but I am not a day in y e weeke at home at towne, 
but carry my books & all to Clapham ; * for here is y e miserablest 
time y l I thinke hath been known in many ages. I have know 
3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which should 
be a means to pacifie y e Lord, & help us, that is taken away, 
preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in West- 
minster on y e saboth, nor in many townes aboute us ; y e Lord 
in mercie looke uppon us. In y e begining of y e year was a great 
[216] drought, & no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all 
was burnte up, haye, at 5 fa . a load ; and now all raine, so as 
much sommer come & later haye is spoyled. Thus y e Lord 
sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, nor 
humble our selves ; and therfore may justly fear heavier judg- 
ments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him, which 

* A village in Surrey, in the suburbs of London, south-southwest from the 
city. — Ed. 

44 



346 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



y e Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus 
desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest 

Your loving friend, 
Sep 1 : 14. 1636. James Sherley. 

This was all y e answer they had from M r . Sherley, by 
which M r . Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they 
now resoloved to send no more beaver in y l way which 
they had done, till they came to some issue or other 
aboute these things. But now came over letters from M r . 
Andrews & M r . Beachamp full of complaints, that they 
marveled y l nothing was sent over, by which any of their 
moneys should, be payed in ; for it did appear by y e ac- 
counte sente in An 1631. that they were each of them 
out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this 
while had not received one penie towards y e same. But 
now M r . Sherley sought to draw more money from them, 
and was offended because they deneyed him ; and blamed 
them hear very much that all was sent to M r . Sherley, & 
nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they 
conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, & 
y l yearly each of them had received a proportionable 
quantity out of y e larg returnes sent home. For they had 
sente home since y l accounte was received in An 1631. 
(in which all & more then all their debts, w th y l years 
supply, was charged upon them) these sumes following. 



Novbr 18. An° 1631. By M r . Peirce 

July 13. An« 1632. By MX Griffin 1348k. beaver, & otters 
An 1633. By M r . Graves 3366 li . bever, & otters 
An<> 1634. By M r . Andrews 3738*i. beaver, & otters 
An° 1635. By M'. Babb 1150«. beaver, & otters 

June 24. Ano 1636. By M r .Willkinson 1809«. beaver, & otters 
Ibidem. By M r . Langrume 0719^. beaver, & otters 
12150**.* 



0400*i. waight of beaver, & otters 20. 

. 147. 
. 346. 
. 234. 
. 200. 
. 010. 
. 199. 
1156. 



All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, as ap- 
pears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20 s . p r pound, 



* Not correctly cast ; it should be 12530^. — Ed. 



1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 347 

and some at 24 s . ; the skin at 15. & sometimes 16. I doe 
not remember any under 14. It may be y e last year might 
be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs 
that are not recconed in this accounte, & some black 
beaver at higer rates, to make up y e defects. [217] It 
was conceived that y e former parcells of beaver came to 
litle less then 10000 K . sterling, and y e otter skins would 
pay all y e charge, & they w lh other furrs make up besids 
if any thing wanted of y e former sume. When y e former 
accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White- 
Angelle & Frendship included) came but to 4770 H . And 
they could not estimate that all y e supplies since sent 
them, & bills payed for them, could come to above 2000 H . 
so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with ad- 
vantage or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes 
it that they could not as well exactly sett downe their 
receits, as their returnes, but thus estimate it. I answer, 
2. things were y e cause of it ; the first & principall was, 
that y e new accountante, which they in England would 
needs presse upon them, did wholy faile them, & could 
never give them any accounte ; but trusting to his memo- 
rie, & lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, 
that neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to 
rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his ac- 
counts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of 
leasure, and he would doe it. In y e intrime he fell into 
a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell out he could 
make no accounte at all. His books were after a litle 
good begining left altogeather unperfect ; and his papers, 
some were lost, & others so confused, as he knew not 
what to make of them him selfe, when they came to be 
searched & examined. This was not unknowne to M r . 
Sherley ; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though 
it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also 
here; for they conceived they lost some hundreds of 
pounds for goods trusted out in y e place, which were lost 



348 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

for want of clear accounts to call them in. Another rea- 
son of this mischeefe was, that after M r . Winslow was 
sente into England to demand accounts, and to excepte 
against y e Whit-Angell, they never had any price sent 
with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce of them ; but 
all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to 
guesse at y e prises of them. 

They write back to M r . Andrews & M r . Beachamp, and 
tould them they marveled they should write they had sent 
nothing home since y e last accounts ; for they had sente a 
great deale ; and it might rather be marveled how they could 
be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at 
home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much 
cast away at sea, when M r . Peirce lost his ship on y e coast 
of Virginia.* What they had sente was to them all, and 
to them selves as well as M r . Sherley, and if they did not 
looke after it, it was their owne falts ; they must referr 
them to M r . Sherley, who had received [218] it, to de- 
mand it of him. They allso write to M r . Sherley to y e 
same purposs, and what the others complaints were. 

This year j* 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods 
from y e Massachusetts of such as removed theither to 
plante, were in an easterly storme cast away in coming 
into this harbore in y e night ; the boats men were lost, 
and y e goods were driven all alonge y e shore, and strowed 
up & downe at high-water marke. But y e Gov r caused 
them to be gathered up, and drawn togeather, and ap- 
pointed some to take an inventory of them, and others to 
wash & drie such things as had neede therof ; by which 
means most of y e goods were saved, and restored to y e 
owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thith- 
er likwise) was cast away near unto Manoanscusett,J and 
such goods as came a shore were preserved for them. 

* Which latter was upwards of f Winthrop (I. 169) records this un- 
800 lbs. of beaver, and some otter skins, der the date of October 6, 1635. — Ed. 
See p. 304. — Ed. J See page 234. — Ed. 



1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 349 

Such crosses they mette with in their beginings ; which 
some imputed as a correction from God for their intru- 
tion (to y e wrong of others) into y l place. But I dare not 
be bould with Gods judgments in this kind. 

In y e year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and warlike 
people), who had made warrs with sundry of their neig- 
bours, and puft up with many victories, grue now at va- 
rience with y e Narigansets, a great people bordering upon 
them. These Narigansets held correspondance and termes 
of freindship with y e English of y e Massachusetts. Now 
y e Pequents, being conscious of y e guilte of Captain-Stones 
death, whom they knew to be an-English man, as also 
those y l were with him, and being fallen out with y e 
Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, 
sought to make freindship with y e English of y e Massa- 
chusetts ; and for y l end sent both messengers & gifts unto 
them, as appears by some letters sent from y e Gov r hither. 

Dear & worthy S r : &c. To let you know somwhat of our 
affairs, you may understand that y e Pequents have sent some of 
theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered much wampam 
& beaver, &c. The first messengers were dismissed without 
answer ; with y e next we had diverce dayes conferance, and 
taking y e advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord 
in it, we concluded a peace & freindship with them, upon these 
conditions : that they should deliver up to us those men who 
were guilty of Stones death, &c. And if we desired to plant in 
Conightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we 
would send to trade with them as our freinds (which was y e 
cheefe thing we aimed at, being now in warr with y e Dutch and 
y e rest of their neigbours). To this they readily agreed ; and 
that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Nari- 
gan setts; for which end they were contente we should give the 
Narigansets parte of y l presente, they would bestow on us (for 
they stood [219] so much on their honour, as they would not be 
seen to give any thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone, 
they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had any hand 
in his death ; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for (say 
they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them 



350 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

by force to shew him y e way up y e river ; * and he with 2. other 
coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were 
a sleepe in y e night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men ; 
and some of them going afterwards to y e pinass, it was suddainly 
blowne up.f We are now preparing to send a pinass unto 
them, &c. 

In an other of his, dated y e 12. of y e first month, he 
hath this. 

Our pinass is latly returned from y e Pequents ; they put of but 
litle comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they 
mean to have no more to doe with them. I have diverce other 
things to write unto you, &c. 

Yours ever assured, 

Jo : Winthrop. 
Boston, 12. of y e 1. month, 16344 

After these things, and, as I take, this year,§ John 
Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now an 
inhabitant of y e Massachusetts, went w th a small vessell, & 
slenderly mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon 
a quarell betweene him & y e Indeans was cutt of by 
them (as hath been before noted) at an iland called by y e 
Indeans Munisses, but since by y e English Block Iland. || 
This, with y e former about the death of Stone, and the 
baffoyling of y e Pequents with y e English of y e Massachu- 
setts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and 
require satisfaction for these wrongs ; but it was done so 
superfitially, and without their acquainting of those of 
Conightecute & other neighbours with y e same, as they 
did litle good.^[ But their neigbours had more hurt done, 
for some of y e murderers of Oldome fled to y e Pequents, 

# Ther is litle trust to be given to sailed along- the coast in 1524, discov- 

their relations in these things. ered an island, which from its descrip- 

f See this same account in Winthrop, tion was probably Block Island. He 

I. 148, related under date of November named it " Claudia," in honor of the 

6, 1634. — Ed. mother of Francis I. It bears this name 

% That is, March 12, 1634-5. — Ed. on Lock's map of 1582, in Hakluit's 

& In July. See p. 191, note. — Ed. Divers Voyages of that date. See 

|| The discovery of this island is usu- Brodhead's New York, p. 57. — Ed. 

ally attributed to Block, in 1614, whose If Endicott's expedition in August, 

name it bears. But Verazzano, who 1636. See Winthrop, 1. 194, 195. — Ed. 



1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 351 

and though the English went to y e Pequents, and had 
some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, & 
y e English returned without doing any thing to purpose, 
being frustrate of their oppertunitie to cut of some of y e 
English as they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and 
assaulted them the next spring at their habytations, as will 
appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, be- 
cause I make no question they will be more fully & dis- 
tinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte 
knowledg of them, and whom they did more properly 
concerne. 

This year M r . Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, 
partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it too heavie 
a burthen, and partly at the desire, and by y e perswasion, 
of others ; and the church sought out for [220] some 
other, having often been disappointed in their hops and 
desires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them 
an able and a godly man* and of a meeke and humble 
spirite, sound in y e truth, and every way unreproveable in 
his life & conversation ; whom, after some time of triall, 
they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours 
they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, & 
good agreemente. 



Anno Dom\ 1637.*)* 

In y e fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly 
upon y e English at Conightecute, in y e lower parts of y e 
river, and slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in 

* M r . John Reinor. [Mr. Rayner f This year, Governor Bradford was 

remained with the church at Plymouth again called to the office of chief magis- 

till 1654, when he dissolved his con- trate, and Edward Winslow, Timothy 

nection. He was afterwards settled at Hatherly, John Alden, William Collier, 

Dover, N. H., where he remained till Thomas Prence, Miles Standish, and 

his death, in 1669. See Plymouth John Jenny were chosen Assistants. 

Church Records; Davis's ed. of the See Plymouth Colony Records. — Ed. 
Memorial, pp. 216, 217. —Ed.] 



352 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

y e feilds,) both men & women, to y e great terrour of y e 
rest ; and wente away in great prid & triumph, with many 
high threats. They allso assalted a fort* at y e rivers 
mouth, though strong and well defended ; and though they 
did not their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear & 
astonishmente to see their bould attempts in the face of 
danger; which made them in all places to stand upon 
their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and ernestly to 
solissite their freinds and confederats in y e Bay of Mas- 
sachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for 
more forcible assaults. M r . Vane, being then Gov r , write 
from their Generall Courte to them hear, to joyne with 
them in this warr ; to which they were cordially willing, 
but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some for- 
mer things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. 
The which will best appear in y e Gov r answer which he 
returned to y e same, which I shall here inserte. 

S r : The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our 
]ate Gov r is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have 
wished I might have been at more freedome of time & thoughts 
also, that I might have done it more to your & my owne satis- 
faction. But what shall be wanting now may be supply ed here- 
after. For y e matters which from your selfe & counsell were 
propounded & objected to us, we thought not fitte to make them 
so publicke as y e cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as 
they have been considered by those of our counsell, this answer 
we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie 
your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against y e Pe- 
quents, though you cannot ingage your selves without y e con- 
sente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affec- 
tion towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and 

* At Saybrook, at the mouth of the building of houses, and for the construc- 

Connecticut River. John Winthrop, tion of fortifications there ; and of this 

Jr. returned from England in October, place he was constituted Governor for 

1635, after about a year's absence, and one year. See Winthrop, I. 170, 173, 

brought a commission from Lord Say, 174 ; Trumbull, I. 61 ; Gardner's Pe- 

Lord Brook, and others, to begin a quot War, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 

settlement on this river. He was fur- 136 et seq. — Ed. 
nished with men and means for the 



1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 353 

are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most 
seasonably be ripened. (2 1 ?.) Wheras you make this warr to be 
our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise then 
by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin ; yet we 
suppose, that, In case of peril!, you will not stand upon such 
terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you ; and withall 
we conceive that you looke at y e Pequents, and all other In- 
deans, as a comone enimie, who, though he may take occasion 
of y e begining of his rage, from some one parte of y e English, 
yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to y e rooting 
out of y e whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, 
we did it not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. 
(3 ly .) Wheras you desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon 
all like occasions ; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; 
yet as we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, 
so as we cannot draw 7 you into this warr with us, otherwise then 
as reason may guid & provock you ; so we desire we may be 
at y e like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from 
us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide 
you against y e French ; we conceive y 3 .case was not alicke ; yet 
we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4'^.) Weras 
you objecte that we began y e warr without your privitie, & 
managed it contrary to your advise ; the truth is, that our first 
intentions being only against Block Hand, and y e interprice 
seeming of small difficultie, w T e did not so much as consider of 
taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we 
had resolved upon y e Pequents, we sent presently, or not long 
after, to you aboute it; but y e answer received, it was not sea- 
sonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had seen 
and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed our 
owne. 

(5^.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you 
(to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us ; 
and what we have provided in this and like cases, at our last 
Courte, M r . E. W. can certifie you. 

And (6 l y) ; wheras you objecte to us y l we should hold trade 
&& correspondancie with y e French, your enemise ; we answer, 
you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed 
betweene our late Gov r and them, to which we were privie, we 
have neither sente nor incouraged ours to trade with them ; only 
45 






354 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

one vessell or tow, for y e better conveace of our letters, had 
licens from our Gov r to sayle thither* 

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our 
worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer ; but most 
of them concerning y e apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, 
or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst us. It con- 
cernes us not to give any other answer to them then this ; that, 
if y e offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall 
be ready to doe justice as y e case shall require. In the meane 
time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without 
our privity, and not a litle greeveous unto us. 

Now for y e joyning with us in this warr, which indeed con- 
cerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz. : the re- 
leeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren, who are now 
first in y e danger ; though you may thinke us able to make it 
good without you, (as, if y e Lord please to be with us, we may,) 
yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we con- 
ceive) may have some waight with you. (First) y l if we should 
sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help 
would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or se- 
cure your selves ther, with 3. times y e charge & hazard which 
now y e may. 2 ly . The sorrowes which we should lye under (if 
through your neglect) woold much abate of y e acceptablenes 
of your help afterwards. 3^. Those of yours, who are now full 
of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less 
able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that 
it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before 
y e end of this somer, otherwise y e newes of it will discourage 
both your & our freinds from coming to us next year; with 
what further hazard & losse it may expose us unto, your selves 
may judge. 

The (3.) thing is this, that if y e Lord shall please to blesse our 
endeaours, so as we end y e warr, or put it in a hopefull way 
without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people to- 
wards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your 
good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such 
neigbours & brethren as we are. And what ill consequences 
may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, & would rather 
prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations 

* But by this means they did furnish them, & have still continued to doe. 



1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 355 

to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds 
with you, I rest 

Yours most assured in y e Lord, 

Jo : Winthrop. 
Boston, y e 20. of y e 3. month,* 1637. 

In y e mean time, the Pequents, espetially in y e winter 
before, sought to make peace with y e Narigansets, and 
used very pernicious arguments to move them therunto : 
as that y e English were stranegers and begane to over- 
spred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in 
time, if they were suffered to grow & increse ; and if y e 
Narigansets did assist y e English to subdue them, they 
did but make way for their owne overthrow, for if they 
were rooted out, the English would soone take occasion 
to subjugate them; and if they would harken to them, 
they should not neede to fear y e strength of y e English ; 
for they would not come to open battle with them, but 
fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for 
them as they went abroad upon their occasions ; and all 
this they might easily doe without any or litle danger to 
them selves. The which course being held, they well saw 
the English could not long subsiste, but they would either 
be starved with hunger, or be forced to forsake the coun- 
trie; with many y e like things; insomuch that y e Nari- 
gansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to 
have made peace with them, and joyed against y e English. 
But againe when they considered, how much wrong they 
had received from the Pequents, and what an oppertu- 
nitie they now had by y e help of y e English to right them 
selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed 
above all y e rest ; so as they resolved to joyne with y e 
English against them, & did. [223] The Court here f 
agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and 

* That is, the 20th of May, 1637. f The Court which met June 7th 

Winthrop refers to this letter, Vol. I. agreed to send sixty men under the com- 

p. 219. He succeeded Vane as Gov- mand of Lieutenant William Holmes, 

ernor on the 17th of this month. — Ed. Plymouth Colony Records. — Ed. 



356 HISTORY OF 



BOOK II. 



w th as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, 
and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and 
provided a barke to carrie them provisions & tend upon 
them for all occasions ; but when they were ready to march 
(with a supply from y e Bay) they had word to stay, for y 9 
enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no 
neede. 

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their pro- 
ceedings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully 
done by them selves,* who best know the carrage & cir- 
cumstances of things ; I shall therfore but touch them 
in generall. From Connightecute (who were most senci- 
ble of y e hurt sustained, & y e present danger), they sett 
out a partie of men, and an other partie mett them from 
y e Bay, at y e Narigansets, who were to joyne with them. 
Y e Narigansets were ernest to be gone before y e English 
were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them 
which came last. It should seeme their desire was to 
come upon y e enemie sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was 
a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come 
from Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold 
of y e Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forward- 
nes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedition 
might prove to their great advantage. So they w T ent on, 
and so ordered their march, as the Indeans brought them 
to a forte of y e enimies f (in which most of their cheefe 

* Of the narratives of the Pequot densed and perspicuous narrative by 
war written by persons who were Dr. Trumbull, in his History of Con- 
actors therein, may be mentioned necticut. — Ed. 

those of Captain Mason, Captain Un- f This was Mystic fort, near the 
derhill, Lieutenant Gardner, command- river of that name, a few miles east of 
er of the Say brook fort, and one bear- Fort Griswold. The attack was made 
ing the name of P. Vincent. That on the morning of the 26th of May. 
by Captain Mason, published by Prince The relation afforded by Governor 
from the original manuscript, in 1736, Winthrop in the following letter has 
may be considered the most valuable, reference, it will be seen, to a sub- 
All these are published in the Col- sequent stage of their proceedings, 
lections of the Massachusetts Histori- See Davis's ed. of the Memorial, pp. 
cal Society. The original materials 189-196; Winthrop, I. 225; Trum- 
relating to this portion of New Eng- bull, I. 84; Mason's Brief History, p. 
land history are wrought into a con- 10. — Ed. 



1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 357 

men were) before day. They approached y 6 same with 
great silence, and surrounded it both with English & In- 
deans, that they might not breake out ; and so assualted 
them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and 
entered y e forte with all speed ; and those y l first entered 
found sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott 
at & grapled with them ; others rane into their howses, 
& brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone 
tooke in their matts, &, standing close togeather, with y e 
wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were 
burnte to death then was otherwise slain ; it burnte their 
bowstrings, & made them unservisable. Those y l scaped 
y e fire were slaine with y e sword ; some hewed to peeces, 
others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they were 
quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was con- 
ceived they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It 
was a fearfull sight to see them thus frying in y e fyer, 
and y e streams of blood quenching y e same, and horrible 
was y e stinck & sente ther of; but y e victory seemed a 
sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God, 
who had wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose 
their enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a 
victory over so proud & insulting an enimie. The Narigan- 
sett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, but aloofe 
from all danger, and left y e whole [224] execution to y e 
English, exept it were y e stoping of any y l broke away, 
insulting over their enimies in this their mine & miserie, 
when they saw them dancing in y e flames, calling them 
by a word in their owne language, signifing, O brave Pe- 
quents ! which they used familierly among them selves in 
their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. 
After this servis was thus happily accomplished, they 
marcht to the water side, wher they mett with some of 
their vesells, by which they had refreishing with victualls 
& other necessaries. But in their march y e rest of y e Pe- 
quents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to 



358 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

have some advantage against them by # reason of a neck 
of land; but when they saw the English prepare for 
them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither did hurt, nor 
could receive any. After their refreishing & repair to 
geather for further counsell & directions, they resolved 
to pursue their victory, and follow y e warr against y e rest, 
but y e Narigansett Indeans most of them forsooke them, 
and such of them as they had with them for guids, or 
otherwise, they found them very could and backward in 
y e bussines, ether out of envie, or y l they saw y e English 
would make more profite of y e victorie then they were 
willing they should, or els deprive them of such advan- 
tage as them selves desired by having them become tribu- 
taries unto them, or y e like. 

For y e rest of this bussines, I shall only relate y e same 
as it is in a leter which came from M r . Winthrop to y e 
Gov r hear, as folio we th. 

Worthy S r : I received your loving letter, and am much pro- 
vocked to express my affections towards you, but straitnes of 
time forbids me ; for my desire is to acquainte you with y e Lords 
greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing against his & our 
enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise his name with us. 
About 80. of our men, haveing costed along towards y e Dutch 
plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) mett hear 
& ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 
2. sachems they tooke, & beheaded ; and not hearing of Sassa- 
cous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe 
and find him out. He wente and brought them word wher he 
was, but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was 
gone, fled away with some 20. more to y e Mowakes, so our men 
missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and ranging up & 
downe, as y e providence of God guided them (for y e Indeans 
were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guid 
them, or els would not), upon y e 13. of this month, they light 
upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, && 200. 
women & children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous 

* Be in manuscript. — Ed. 



1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 359 

swamp,* which they all slipped into before our men could gett 
to them. Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther 
was M r . Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. [225] of 
their men, & Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his, 
who, shooting at y e Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more 
came soone in at y e noyse. Then they gave order to surround 
y e swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute ; but Levetenante Da- 
venporte & some 12. more, not hearing that comand, fell into 
y e swampe among y e Indeans. The swampe was so thicke 
with shrub-woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them 
stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Davenport 
was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another 
shott in y e head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to 
have been taken by y e Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, & JefTery, 
and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse of y e Indeans 
with their swords. After they were drawne out, the Indeans 
desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our inter- 
pretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves, 
they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in y e 
English blood. Wherupon y e sachem of y e place came forth, 
and an old man or 2. & their wives and children, and after that 
some other women & children, and so they spake 2. howers, till 
it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them 
againe, to call them forth ; but they said they would selle their 
lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried 
out, and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our 
men cutt of a place of y e swampe with their swords, and cooped 
the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill 
them throw y e thickets. So they continued all y e night, stand- 
ing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and y e Indeans, coming 
close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they peirced 
their hatte brimes, & their sleeves, & stockins, & other parts of 
their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as 
not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went 
into y e swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so 
as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men, 
though they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder ; but were pres- 
enly discovered, & some killed in y e pursute. Upon searching 
of y e swampe, y e next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some 

* Within the present town of Fairfield. Trumbull, 1. 90. t- Ed. 



360 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

they pulled up, whom y 8 Indeans had buried in y e mire, so as 
they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did escape, for 
they after found some who dyed in their flight of their wounds 
received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of y e river, 
and the rest to us. Of these we send y e male children to Ber- 
muda,* by M r . William Peirce, & y e women & maid children 
are disposed aboute in y e townes. Ther have been now slaine 
& taken, in all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the 
Indeans in all quarters so terrified as all their friends are afFraid 
to receive them. 2. of y e sachems of Long Hand came to M r . 
Stoughton and tendered them selves to be tributaries under our 
protection. And 2. of y e Neepnett sachems have been with me 
to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have y e wife 
& children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest counte- 
nance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that thef 2. 
English [226] maids were spared from death, and were kindly 
used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her 
first requests was, that the English would not abuse her body, 
and that her children might not be taken from her. Those 
which were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp, 
who came with his shalop in a happie houre, to bring them 
victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to y e piiiass, wher our 
cheefe surgeon was, w lh M r . Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. 
Our people are all in health, (y e Lord be praised,) and allthough 
they had marched in their armes all y e day, and had been in 
fight all y e night, yet they professed they found them selves so 
fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussi- 
nes. 

This is y e substance of that which I received, though I am 
forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in 
much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within this 
4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and M r . Vane,) I hear breake 
of, and with harty saluts to, &c, I rest 

Yours assured, 

Jo : Winthrop. 

The 28. of y e 5. month,} 1637. 

The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems ; but Sassa- 
couse & Monotto are yet living. 

* But y e y were carried to y e West- f They in the manuscript. — Ed. 
Indeas. % That is, the 28th of July. —Ed. 






1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 361 

That I may make an end of this matter : this Sassa- 
couse (y e Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to y e Mow- 
hakes, they cutt of his head, with some other of y e cheefe 
of them, whether to satisfie y e English, or rather y e Nari- 
gansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe it,) 
or for their owne advantage, I well know not ; but thus 
this warr tooke end. The rest of y e Pequents were wholy 
driven from their place, and some of them submitted them 
selves to y e Narigansets, & lived under them; others of 
them betooke them selves to y e Monhiggs, under Uncass, 
their sachem, w th the approbation of y e English of Conigh- 
tecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived, and he and 
his men had been faithful to them in this warr, & done 
them very good service. But this did so vexe the Narri- 
gansetts, that they had not y e whole sweay over them, as 
they have never ceased plotting and contriving how to 
bring them under, and because they cannot attaine their 
ends, because of y e English who have protected them, 
they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against 
y e English, as will appear in an other place. 

They had now letters againe out of England from M r . 
Andrews & M r . Beachamp, that M r . Sherley neither had 
nor would pay them any money, or give them any ac- 
counte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to 
send them some, much blaming them still, that they had 
sent all to M r . Sherley, & none to them selves. Now, 
though they might have justly referred them to their for- 
mer answer, and insisted ther upon, & some wise men 
counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that 
[227] they were realy out round sumes of money, (es- 
petialy M r . Andrews,) and they had some in their hands, 
they resolved to send them what bever they had.* M r . 
Sherleys letters were to this purpose : that, as they had 
left him in y e paiment of y e former bills, so he had tould 



* But staid it till ye next year. 

46 



362 



HISTORY OF 



[BOOK II. 



them he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they 
should find it true. And he was as good as his word, for 
they could never gett peney from him, nor bring him to 
any accounte, though M r . Beachamp sued him in y e Chan- 
eerie. But they all of them turned their complaints 
against them here, wher ther was least cause, and who 
had suffered most unjustly ; first from M r . Allerton & 
them, in being charged with so much of y l which they 
never had, nor drunke for ; and now in paying all, & more 
then all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more de- 
manded, and that with many heavie charges. They now 
discharged M r . Sherley from his agencie, and forbad him 
to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest 
him to come to some end about these things. 

Anno Dom: 1638. 



This year M r . Thomas Prence was chosen Gov r * 

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, 
this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for rob- 
ery & murder which they had committed; their names 
were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard 
Stinnings ; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also 
guilty, but he escaped away, and could not be found. 
This Arthur Peach was y p cheefe of them, and y e ring 
leader of all y e rest. He was a lustie and a desperate 



* Mr. Prence was riot again elected 
chief magistrate till the year of Governor 
Bradford's decease, in 1657. He was 
then chosen, and continued in that office 
by renewed election for sixteen consec- 
utive years, till his death in 1673. He 
was then succeeded by Josiah Winslow. 
See Morton's Memorial. 

Governor Prence came over in the 
Fortune in 1621, being then about 21 
years of age. In 1624 he married Pa- 
tience, a daughter of Elder Brewster, 
who died in 1634. In the next year he 
married Mary, a daughter of William 
Collier, who survived him. He was one 



of the first settlers of Eastham in 1644, 
at which place he continued to reside 
till 1665, when he returned to Ply- 
mouth. An ample notice of him and 
his family will be found in Davis's 
edition of the Memorial, pp. 421-425, 
and in Moore's Memoirs of American 
Governors. It appears that he left no 
male descendants. The Governor uni- 
formly wrote his name Prence, though 
Morton and others wrote it Prince. 

The Assistants this year were Wil- 
liam Bradford, Edward Winslow, Miles 
Standish, John Alden, John Jenny, 
John At wood, and John Brown. — Ed. 



1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 363 

yonge man, and had been one of y° souldiers in y e Pe- 
quente warr, and had done as good servise as y° most ther, 
and one of y e forwardest in any attempte. And being now 
out of means, and loath to worke, and falling to idle 
courses & company, he intended to goe to y e Dutch plan- 
tation ; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants 
and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther 
was allso of his secret going away in this maner ; he was 
not only rune into deb te, but he had gott a maid with 
child, (which was not known till after his death,) a mans 
servante in y e towne, and fear of punishmente made him 
gett away. The other 3. complotting with him, raiie away 
from their maisters in the night, and could not be heard 
of, for they went not y e ordinarie way, but shaped such a 
course as they thought to avoyd y e pursute [228] of any. 
But falling into y e way that lyeth betweene y e Bay of Mas- 
sachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest 
them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of y e 
way, by y e way side. At length ther came a Narigansett 
Indean by, who had been in y e Bay a trading, and had 
both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett him y e 
day before, & he was now returning.) Peach called him 
to drinke tobaco with them, and he came & sate downe 
with them. Peach tould y e other he would kill him, and 
take what he had from him. But they were some thing 
afraid ; but he said, Hang him, rogue, he had killed many 
of them. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and 
when he saw his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him 
through the body once or twise, and tooke from him 5. 
fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente 
their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, 
when they were gone, and made shift to gett home, (but 
dyed within a few days after,) by which means they were 
discovered ; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For 
they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not 
thinking their facte had been known,) by y e sachems 



364 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

comand they were carried to Aquidnett Hand, & ther ac- 
cused of y e murder, and were examed & comitted upon it 
by y e English ther. The Indeans sent for M r . Williams, 
& made a greeveous complainte ; his freinds and kin red 
were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, 
some conceiving they should now find y e Pequents words 
trew: that y e English would fall upon them. But M r . 
Williams pacified them, & tould them they should see 
justice done upon y e offenders ; & wente to y e man, & 
tooke M r . James, a phisition, with him. The man tould 
him who did it, & in what maner it was done ; but y e phi- 
sition found his wounds mortall, and that he could not 
live, (as he after testified upon othe, before y e jurie in 
oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both M r . 
Williams, M r . James, & some Indeans testified in courte. 
The Gov rL in y e Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd 
it hither, because it was done in this jurisdiction ; * but 
pressed by all means y l justice might be done in it ; or 
els y e countrie must rise & see justice done, otherwise it 
would raise a warr. Yet some of y e rude & ignorante 
sorte murmured that any English should be put to death 
for y e Indeans. So at last they of y e iland brought them 
hither, and being often examenecl, & y e evidence prodused, 
they all in the end freely confessed in effect all y l the In- 
dean accused them of, & that they had done it, in y e maner 
afforesaid ; and so, upon y e forementioned evidence, were 
cast by y e jurie,f & condemned, & executed for the same. 

* And yet afterwards they laid claime diction in the place where the murder 

to those parts in y e controversie about was committed, neither had they at the 

Seacunk. [Winthrop notices this hom- island any government established, it 

icide under date of August of this year, would be safer to deliver the principal, 

Mr. Williams, of Providence, had writ- who was certainly known to have killed 

ten to him, informing him of the arrest the party, to the Indians his friends." 

of Peach and his companions at Rhode The grounds for the advice here given 

Island, and desiring advice as to the as to the question of jurisdiction do not 

disposition to be made of them. Win- correspond with the statement in the 

throp " returned answer, that, seeing text by our author. See the letter of 

they were of Plymouth, they should Williams noticed above, in 3 Mass. 

certify Plymouth of them, and if they Hist. Coll., I. 171-173. — Ed.] 

would send for them, to deliver them ; f Sept. 4. [See Plymouth Colony 

otherwise, seeing no English had juris- Records, under this date. — Ed.] 



1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 365 

And some of y e Narigansett Indeans, & of y e parties freinds, 
were presente when it was done, which gave them & all 
y e countrie good satisfaction. But it was a matter of 
much sadnes to them hear, and was y e 2. execution which 
they had since they came ; * being both for wilfull mur- 
der, as hath bene before related. Thus much of this mater. 

[229] They received this year more letters from Eng- 
land full of reneued complaints, on y e one side, that they 
could gett no money nor accounte from M r . Sherley ; & he 
againe, y l he was pressed therto, saying he was to accounte 
with those hear, and not with them, &c. So, as was be- 
fore resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they 
would now send them what they could, as supposing, when 
some good parte was payed them, that M r . Sherley & they 
would more easily agree aboute y e remainder. 

So they sent to M r . Andrews and M r . Beachamp, by M r . 
Joseph Yonge, in y e Mary & Anne, 1325 H . waight of bea- 
ver, devided betweene them. M r . Beachamp returned an 
accounte of his moyety, that he made 400 H . starling of it, 
fraight and all charges paid. But M r . Andrews, though 
he had y e more and beter parte, yet he made not so much 
of his, through his owne indiscretion ; and yet turned y e 
lossf upon them hear, but without cause. 

They sent them more by bills & other paimente, which 
was received & acknowledged by them, in money J & 
y e like ; which was for katle sould of M r . Allertons, and y e 
price of a bark sold, which belonged to y e stock, and made 
over to them in money, 434* 1 . sterling. The whole sume 
was 1234 H . sterling, save what M r . Andrews lost in y e 
beaver, which was otherwise made good. But yet this did 
not stay their clamors, as will apeare here after more at 
large. 

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse y e cuntry 
with such access & confluance of people into it, as it was 

* The other execution was that of f Being about 40* 1 . 
John Billington, in 1630. See pages t And devided betweene them. 
276, 277. — Ed. 



366 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood at a 
high rate for diverce years together. Kine were sould 
at 20 H . and some at 25 H . a peece, yea, some times at 28 H . 
A cow-calfe usually at 10 }i . A milch goate at 3 }i . & some 
at 4 K . And femall kids at 30 s . and often at 40 s . a peece. 
By which means y e anciente planters which had any stock 
begane to grow in their estats. Corne also wente at a 
round rate, viz. 6 s . a bushell. So as other trading begane 
to be neglected ; and the old partners (having now forbid- 
den M r . Sheiiey to send them any more goods) broke of 
their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would fol- 
low it no longer. But some of them, (with other they 
joyned with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinu- 
ance, agreed with y e company for it, and gave them aboute 
y e 6. parte of their gaines for it ; [230] with y e first fruits 
of which they builte a house for a prison ; and the trade 
ther hath been since continued, to y e great benefite of y e 
place ; for some well fore-sawe that these high prises of 
corne and catle would not long continue, and that then 
y e coihodities ther raised would be much missed. 

This year, aboute y e 1. or 2. of June,* was a great & 
fearfull earthquake ; it was in this place heard before it 
was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low mur- 
mure, like unto remoate thunder ; it came from y e norward, 
& pased southward. As y e noyse aproched nerer, they 
earth begane to shake, and came at length with that vio- 
lence as caused platters, dishes, & such like things as 
stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall downe ; yea, persons 
were afraid of y e houses them selves. It so fell oute y l at 
y e same time diverse of y e cheefe of this towne were mett 
together at one house, conferring with some of their 
freinds that were upon their removall from y e place, (as if 
y e Lord would herby shew y e signes of his displeasure, in 
their shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.) 

# Winthrop and Johnson notice this earthquake as occurring on the 1st of 
June. — Ed.* 



1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 367 

How ever it was very terrible for y e time, and as y° men 
were set talking in y e house, some women & others were 
without y e dores, and y e earth shooke with y l violence as 
they could not stand without catching hould of y e posts 
& pails y l stood next them ; but y e violence lasted not 
long. And about halfe an hower, or less, came an other 
noyse & shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as 
y e former, but quickly passed over ; and so it ceased. It 
was not only on y e sea coast, but y e Indeans felt it within 
land ; and some ships that were upon y e coast were shaken 
by it. So powerfull is y e mighty hand of y e Lord, as to 
make both the earth & sea to shake, and the mountaines 
to tremble before him, when he pleases ; and who can 
stay his hand I It was observed that y e soihers, for divers 
years togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte & 
seasonable for y e ripning of corne & other fruits as for- 
merly; but more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly & 
untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne 
came not to maturitie ; but whether this was any cause, 
I leave it to naturallists to judge. 



Anno Dom\ 1639. fy Anno Dom\ 1640.* 

These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not 
out many things more then y e ordinary passages of their 
comone affaires, which are not needfull to be touched. 
[231] Those of this plantation having at sundrie times 
granted lands for severall townships, and amongst y e rest 
to y e inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from 
them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to 

* Governor Bradford in 1639 was Miles Standish, John Alden, John 
again elected chief magistrate of the Brown, William Collier, Timothy 
colony, and, with the exception of the Hatherly, and John Jenny. In 1640, 
year 1644, when Winslow was chosen, the Assistants were the same, except 
was continued in office by re-election that Edmund Freeman was substituted 
till his decease, in 1657. The Assist- for John Alden. See Plymouth Col- 
ants this year were Thomas Prence, ony Records. — Ed. 






368 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

their 4. London partners in y l place, viz. M r . Sherley, M r . 
Beacham, M r . Andrews, & M r . Hatherley. At M r . Hather- 
ley's request and choys it was by him taken for him selfe 
and them in y l place ; for the other 3. had invested him 
with power & trust to chose for them. And this tracte of 
land extended to their utmoste limets that way, and bor- 
dered on their neigbours of y e Massachusets, who had 
some years after seated a towne (called Hingam) on their 
lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue great dif- 
ferance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, 
and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They 
of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their peo- 
ple, and measure & stack them out. The other pulled up 
their stacks, & threw them. So it grew to a controversie 
betweene the 2. goverments, & many letters and passages 
were betweene them aboute it ; and it hunge some 2. years 
in suspense. The Courte of Massachusets appointed some 
to range their line according to y e bounds of their patente, 
and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all 
Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on y e 
other hand, according to y e line of y e patente of this place, 
it would take in Hingame and much more within their 
bounds. 

In y e end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners 
of each side, and to give them full & absolute power to 
agree and setle y e bounds betwene them ; and what they 
should doe in y e case should stand irrevocably. One 
meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude ; 
for their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their 
graunte, That from Charles-river, or any branch or parte 
therof, they were to extend their limits, and 3. myles fur- 
ther to y e southward ; or from y e most southward parte of 
y e Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further. But they chose 
to stand on y e former termes, for they had found a smale 
river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in land 
trended southward, and issued into some part of y l river 



1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 369 

taken to be Charles-river, and from y e most southerly part 
of this, & 3. mile more southward of y e same, they would 
rune a line east to y e sea, aboute 20. mile ; which will (say 
they) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be 
knowne y l though this patente & plantation were much 
the ancienter, yet this inlargemente of y e same (in which 
Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were 
first to take place, before this inlargmente.* Now their 
answer was, first, that, however according to their owne 
plan, they could noway come upon any part of their an- 
cieante grante. [232] 2 ly . They could never prove y l to 
be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew not which was 
Charles-river, but as y e people of this place, which came 
first, imposed such a name upon y l river, upon which, 
since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing y l was it, which 
Captaine Smith in his mapp so named), f Now they y l 
first named it have best reason to know it, and to explaine 
which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river, 
as fare as it was by them navigated, and y l was as farr as 
a boate could goe. But y l every runlett or small brooke, 
y l should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their 

# The grant from the Council of the f " The River Charles " is laid down 

territory of Massachusetts was made on Captain Smith's map, first published 

March 19th, 1627-8. The charter of in 1616, in his Description of New 

incorporation from the king was ob- England ; but it is very evident that he 

tained the next year, March 4th, 1628 never saw the stream which now bears 

-9. The Warwick patent of New Ply- that name. He probably never entered 

mouth, defining the boundaries of that Boston harbor, but shot across the bay. 

colony, is dated January 13th, 1629-30. The Indians had told him of a river 

In the first patent granted to the Ply- called the " Massachusetts River," and 

mouth people, in 1621, their territorial he supposed he saw the mouth of it at 

limits are not defined ; the planters had the bottom of the bay. In a later work 

liberty to make choice of any land not he says : " I took the fairest reach in 

already inhabited, or granted to others, this bay for a river, whereupon I called 

The terms and conditions of the second it Charles River " ; but later visitors of 

patent, surreptitiously obtained the next whom he is speaking, who had explored 

year by Peirce, and assigned by him to the harbor, " find that fair channel to 

the adventurers in 1623, are not known, divide itself into so many fair branches 

If it ever came to the colony, it is not as to make forty or fifty pleasant islands 

now extant. See pages 107, 139; within that excellent bay." See Smith's 

Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, pp. Advertisements, &c, in 3 Mass. Hist. 

2, 3, 23 ; Plymouth Colony Laws, Brig- Coll. , III. 34. — Ed. 
ham's ed., p. 23 ; 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., 
II. 156-163. — Ed. 

47 



370 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

stremes with it, and were by y e natives called by other & 
differente names from it, should now by them be made 
Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it. 
And gave instance in Humber, in Old England, which 
had y e Trente, Ouse, and many others of lesser note fell 
into it, and yet were not counted parts of it ; and many 
smaler rivers & broks fell into y e Trente, & Ouse, and no 
parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nom- 
inations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they 
had no east line in their patente, but were to begine at y e 
sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At this meeting no con- 
clution was made, but things discussed & well prepared 
for an issue. The next year y e same comissioners had 
their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, 
and concluded y e mater, as followeth. 

The agreemente of y e bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massa- 
chusetts. 

Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by y e 2. jurisdic- 
tions, y e one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John 
Endecott, gent: and Israeli Stoughton, gent: the other of New- 
Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Gov r , and Edward 
Winslow, gent: and both these for y e setting out, setling, & de- 
termining of y e bounds & limitts of y e lands betweene y e said 
jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente age, but y e posteritie 
to come may live peaceably & quietly in y l behalfe. And for 
as much as y e said comissioners on both sids have full power so 
to doe, as appeareth by y e records of both jurisdictions ; we 
therfore, y e said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one 
consente & agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these pres- 
ents declare, that all y e marshes at Conahasett y l lye of y e one 
side of y e river next to Hingam, shall belong to y e jurisdition of 
Massachusetts Plantation ; and all y e marshes y l lye on y e other 
side of y e river next to Sityate, shall be long to y e jurisdiction 
of New- Plimoth ; excepting 60. acers of marsh at y e mouth of y e 
river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby agree, 
conclude, & detirmine shall belong to y e jurisdition of Massa- 
chusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and 



1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 371 

conclude, y l the bounds of y e limites betweene both y e said juris- 
ditions are as followeth, viz. from y e mouth of y e brook y l runeth 
into Chonahasett marches (which we call by y e name of Bound- 
brooke) with a stright & directe line to y e midle of a great ponde, 
y l lyeth on y e right hand of y e uper path, or commone way, y l 
leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to y e path as 
[233] we goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we 
desire may be caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles 
from Weimoth southerley ; and from thence with a straight 
line to y e souther-most part of Charles-river,* & 3. miles southerly, 
inward into y e countrie, according as is expresed in y e patente 
granted by his Ma tie to y e Company of y e Massachusetts Plan- 
tation. Provided allways and never y e less concluded & deter- 
mined by mutuall agreemente betweene y e said comissioners, y l 
if it fall out y l the said line from Accord-pond to y e sothermost 
parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly as is before expresed, 
straiten or hinder any parte of any plantation begune by y e 
Gove rt of New-Plimoth, or hereafter to be begune within 10. 
years after y e date of these ps nls , that then, notwithstanding 
y e said line, it shall be lawfull for y e said Gov rt of New-Plimoth 
to assume on y e northerly side of y e said line, wher it shall so 
intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will make up y e quantity 
of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation be- 
gune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid ; which we agree, deter- 
mine, & conclude to appertaine & belong to y e said Gov rt of 
New-Plimoth. And wheras y e said line, from y e said brooke 
which runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound- 
brooke, and y e pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere y e lands be- 
longing to y e tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe therfore 
hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions allready 
made and recorded, by either y e said townships, doe crose the 
said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force according to y e 
former intents and purposes of y e said townes granting them 
(the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And y l no towne 
in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe them 
selves within y e said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we, 
the comissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents 
indented set our hands & seales y e ninth day of y e 4. month in 



* Which is Charles River may still be questioned. 



372 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

16. year of our soveraine lord, king Charles ; and in y e year of 
our Lord, 1640 * 

William Bradford, Gov r . Jo : Endecott. 

Ed: Winslow. Israell Stoughton. 

Wheras y e paten te was taken in y e name of William 
Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes : To him, 
his heires, and associats & assignes ; and now y e noum- 
ber of free-men being much increased, and diverce toun- 
ships established and setled in severall quarters of y e 
govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sand- 
wich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe 
after, Seacunke (called afterward, at y e desire of y e inhab- 
itants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by y e Courte de- 
sired that William Bradford should make a surrender of 
y e same into their hands. The which he willingly did, in 
this maner following. 

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others y e first instru- 
ments of God in the begining of this great work of plantation, 
togeather with such as y e allordering hand of God in his provi- 
dence soone added unto them, have been at very great charges 
to procure y e lands, priviledges, & freedoms from all intangl- 
ments, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie deeds, inlargments 
of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, &c, by reason 
wherof y e title to y e day of these presents [234] remaineth in y e 
said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes : now, 
for y e better setting of y e estate of the said lands (contained in 
y e grant or pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first 
instruments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick rec- 
orde, Y e Purchasers, or Old comers ; f witnes 2. in spetiall, the 



# This question of boundary between tended those who united in hiring the 
the two colonies was not finally settled trade of the colony for six years. This 
till the year 1664. See Records of is doubtless a misapprehension ; it being- 
Mass., IV. Part 2, pp. 114-116. — Ed. far more probable that by it is intended 

f The record of December 1, 1640, those who purchased from the Adven- 

may be seen in Hazard, taken from the turers, at the expiration of the seven 

Plymouth Colony Records, and a list of years' copartnership, all their interest 

the names of the " Purchasers," fifty- in the plantation. The Purchasers, or 

eight in number, is subjoined to it. Old Comers, therefore, would embrace 

Judge Davis expresses the opinion, that those who represented the colony at 

by the term " Purchasers" is here in- that time. All these names in Hazard 






1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



373 



one bearing date y e 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des: the 1. 
An 1640. whemnto these presents have spetiall relation & 
agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other y e 
freemen & inhabitants of y e said corporation. Be it knowne 
unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William 
Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with y e said purchas- 
sers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes 
those 3. tractes of land mentioned in y e said resolution, order, 
and agreemente, bearing date y e first of Des: 1640. viz. first, 
from y e bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to y e eastward of Naem- 
schatet, and from sea to sea, crose the neck of land. The 2. of 
a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in y e botome of y e bay 
adjoyning to y e west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to y e 
westerne side of y e said river, to an other place called Acushente 
river, which entereth at y e westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles 
to y e eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into y e countrie. 
The 3. place,* from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with 
Cawsumsett neck.) which is y e cheefe habitation of y e Indeans, 



will be found in the list relative to the di- 
vision of cattle in 1627, with the excep- 
tion of the names of six persons, who 
sustained a different relation to the colo- 
ny, but who, if not interested in the pur- 
chase, were thought worthy to have a 
place in this list. Those who hired the 
trade of the Colony for six years were 
eight of the " cheefe " persons in the 
plantation, who were called the "Un- 
dertakers." They had before jointly 
assumed for the colony the payment of 
the 1800/. sterling for the purchase from 
the Adventurers, and now entered into 
this agreement for the purpose of ena- 
bling them to discharge that obligation, 
and also to furnish means to help over 
some of their friends and brethren from 
Leyden, who desired to be with them. 
They assumed also all the other debts 
which then lay upon the colony, esti- 
mated at 600/. ; agreeing, besides, to 
furnish to the colony annually the value 
of 50/. in hose and shoes. There is no 
evidence that the undertakers in the 
colony ever exceeded the original num- 
ber of eight. Four of their friends in 
London, who were before interested as 
adventurers, and whose names are 
found on page 227, united in the part- 
nership with them in the prosecution of 



the trade, the history of which Bradford 
has so minutely detailed in these pages. 
All the expenses incurred in procuring 
their patent, as well as for the transpor- 
tation of the two companies of Leyden 
people, and everything else of that na- 
ture, were borne by the undertakers. 

Judge Davis appears also to have 
misapprehended another point. In 1626 
Mr. Allerton was sent to England partly 
to see if some composition could be 
made with the adventurers, in which 
Captain Standish had made some prog- 
ress the year before, and also to make 
some provision for the colony, which 
was in a necessitous condition. He 
carried with him a commission author- 
izing him to hire the sum of 100/., for 
the payment of which nine persons in 
the colony became jointly bound. Judge 
Davis has mistaken this obligation for 
that assumed the next year by the un- 
dertakers in agreeing to pay the 1800/. 
for the purchase from the adventurers. 
See pp. 210-214, 225,228; Davis's 
ed. of the Memorial, pp. 388, 389, 392, 
393,403-405; Bradford's Letter-Book, 
in 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., pp. 46, 60. —Ed. 

# For the location of these reserved 
tracts, see Davis's edition of the Me- 
morial, p. 405. — Ed. 



374 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

& reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into y e land 8. 
myles through y e whole breadth therof. Togeather with such 
other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are person- 
ally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles 
or grante whatsoever. And y e said William Bradford doth, by 
y e free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente of y e said 
old-planters, or purchasers, together with y e liking, approbation, 
and acceptation of y e other parte of y e said corporation, surren- 
der into y e hands of y e whole courte, consisting of y e free-men 
of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all y l other right & title, 
power, authority, priviledges, immunities, & freedomes granted 
in y e said letters patents by y e said right Honb le Counsell for 
New-England ; reserveing his & their personall right of free- 
men, together w th the said old planters afforesaid, excepte y e said 
lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation, 
togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into y e same, 
his associats. And y e said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, 
& assignes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & per- 
forme whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which 
in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for y e bet- 
ter confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsell 
lerned in y e lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, when 
he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said Wil- 
liam Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters 
patents actually into y e hands & power of y e said courte, bind- 
ing him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes 
to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or 
may concerne the same. 

[235] In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of 
England to send one over to end the buissines and ac- 
counte with M r . Sherley ; who now professed he could not 
make up his accounts without y e help of some from hence, 
espetialy M r . Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it, 
and y e most parte of y e partners hear thought it best to 
send ; but they had formerly written such bitter and 
threatening letters as M r . Winslow was neither willing to 
goe, nor y l any other of y e partners should ; for he was 
perswaded, if any of them wente, they should be arested, 
and an action of such a sume layed upon them as they 



1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 375 

should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and 
then they would bring them to what they liste ; or other 
wise they might be brought into trouble by y e arch- 
bishops means, as y e times then stood. But, notwithstand- 
ing, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine Stan- 
dish was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they 
could not all agree in this thing, and that it was waighty, 
and y e consequence might prove dangerous, to take M r . 
Winthrops advise in y e thing, and y e rather, because M r . 
Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with y e dif- 
ferences betweene them, and appoynted him for his as- 
signe to receive his parte of y e debte. (And though they 
deneyed to pay him any as a debte, till y e controversie 
was ended, yet they had deposited 110 H . in money in his 
hands for M r . Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone as 
he would come to any agreement w lh y e rest.) But M r . 
Winthrop was of M r . Winslows minde, and diss waded 
them from sending ; so they broak of their resolution 
from sending, and returned this answer: that the times 
were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew 
how M r . Winslow had suffered formerley, and for a small 
matter was clapte up in y e Fleete, & it was long before he 
could gett out, to both his & their great loss and damage ; 
and times were not better, but worse, in y l respecte. Yet, 
that their equall & honest minds might appeare to all men, 
they made them this tender : to refferr y e case to some 
gentle-men and marchants in y e Bay of y e Massachusetts, 
such as they should chuse, and were well knowne unto 
them selves, (as they perceived their wer many of their 
aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them then 
y e partners hear,) and let them be informed in y e case 
by both sids, and have all y e evidence y l could be pro- 
dused, in writing, or other wise ; and they would be 
bound to stand to their determination, and make good 
their award, though it should cost them all they had in 
y e world. But this did not please them, but they were 



376 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

offended at it, without any great reasone for ought I 
know, (seeing nether side could give in clear accountes, 
y e partners here could not, by reason they (to their smarte) 
were failed by y e accountante they sent them, and M r . Sher- 
ley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived 
it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte 
of y e place and other concurring circomstances. So this 
came to nothing; and afterward M r . Sherley write, y l if 
M r . Winslow would mett him in France, y e Low-Countries, 
or Scotland, let y e place be knowne, and he [236] come 
to him ther. But in regard of y e troubles that now be- 
gane to arise in our owne nation, and other reasons, this 
did not come to any effecte. That which made them so 
desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stope y e 
clamours and aspertions raised & cast upon them here- 
aboute ; though they conceived them selves to sustaine 
the greatest wrong, and had most cause of complainte ; and 
partly because they feared y e fall of catle, in which most 
parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare ; 
for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion, 
and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before 
was worth 20 }i ., and would so have passed in any pay- 
mente, fell now to 5 }i . and would yeeld no more ; and a goate 
that wente at 3 H . or 50 s . would now yeeld but 8. or 10 3 . 
at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought 
it would be by degrees; and not to be from y e highest 
pitch at once to y e lowest, as it did, which was greatly 
to y e damage of many, and y e undoing of some. An other 
reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and indeed 
a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live 
together so many years as these did,) and saw many 
changes were like to befall ; so as they were loath to 
leave these intanglments upon their children and posteri- 
tie, who might be driven to remove places, as they had 
done ; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. 
But this bussines must yet rest; y e next year gave it 



1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 377 

more ripnes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for 
y e reasons afforesaid. 



Anno JDom: 1641* 

M R . Sherley being weary of this controversie, and de- 
sirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to M r . 
John Atwode and M r . William Collier, 2. of y e inhab- 
itants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and 
desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an 
end, by advising & counselling the partners hear, by 
some way to bring it to a composition, by mutuall agree- 
mente. And he write to them selves allso to y l end, as 
by his letter may apear; so much therof as concernse y e 
same I shall hear relate. 

S r . My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much con- 
cerning y e ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know 
not what more to write, &c. If you desire an end, as you 
seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to 
parfecte all accounts, from y e first to y e last, &c. Now if we 
find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been so stricte & 
carefull as we should and oughte to have done, as for my 
owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse, 
and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I fear you can never 
make a perfecte accounte of all your pety viages, out, & home 
too & againe, &c. f So then y e second way must be, by biding, 
or compounding ; [237] and this way, first or last, we must fall 
upon, &c. If we must warr at law for it, doe not you expecte 
from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave y e heare, and then 
I dare say y e lawyers will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set 
to y worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways 
suffer in my name & estate. And you are not free ; nay, y e gos- 
pell suffers by your delaying, and causeth y e professors of it to 

* The Assistants in the government Morton's Memorial, under this date, 

this year were Edward Winslow, — Ed. 

Thomas Prence, William Collier, Miles f This was but to pretend advantage, 

Standish, Timothy Hatherly, John for it could not be done, neither did it 

Brown, and Edward Freeman. See need. 

48 



378 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now able, should 
combine & joyne togeather to oppress & burden me, &c. 
Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer ; beleeve me, I will 
never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong 
you ; or else let M r . Winslow come over, and let him have such 
full power & authority as we may ende by compounding ; or 
else, y e accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by 
reconing. Now, blesed be God, y e times be much changed here, 
I hope to see many of you returne to you r native countrie againe, 
and have such freedome & libertie as y e word of God prescribs. 
Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now ; God hath 
miraculously confounded them, and turned all their popish & 
Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c. Thus 
you see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticulere greev- 
ances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration ; let each 
give way a litle that we may meete, &c. Be you and all yours 
kindly saluted, &c. So I ever rest, 

Your loving friend, 

James Sherley. 
Clapham, May 18. 1641. 

Being thus by this leter, and allso by M r . Atwodes & 
M r . Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end, 
(and y e continuall clamors from y e rest,) and by none more 
urged then by their own desires, they tooke this course 
(because many scandals had been raised upon them). 
They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet 
on a certaine day, and called some other freinds on both 
sids, and M r . Free-man, brother in law to M r . Beachamp, 
and having drawne up a collection of all y e remains of y e 
stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark, and 
all implements belonging to y e same, as they were used in 
y e time of y e trad, were they better or worce, with y e re- 
maines of all comodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, 
or any thing els, as well y e refuse as y e more vendible, with 
all debts, as well those y l were desperate as others more 
hopefull; and having spent diverce days to bring this 
to pass, having y e helpe of all bookes and papers, which 
either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who 



1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 379 

| was their accountante ; and they found y e sume in all to 

| arise (as y e things were valued) to aboute 1400 H . And 

■ they all of them tooke a voluntary but a sollem oath, 

I in y e presence one of an other, and of all their frends, 

I y e persons abovesaid y l were now presente, that this was 

B all that any of them knew of, or could remember ; and 

| Josias Winslow did y e like for his parte. But y e truth 

I is they wrongd them selves much in y e valuation, for 

they reconed some catle as they were taken of M r . Aller- 

I ton, as for instance a cowe in y e hands of one cost 25 H . 

I and so she was valued in this accounte; but when she 

came to be past away in parte of paymente, after y e agree- 

mente, she would be accepted but at 4 H . 15 s . [238] Also, 

being tender of their oaths, they brought in all they knew 

owing to y e stock; but they had not made y e like dili- 

gente search what y e stocke might owe to any, so as 

many scattering debts fell upon afterwards more then 

now they knew of. 

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente 
betweene M r Atwode, on M r . Sherleys behalfe, and them 
selves. The effecte is as folloeth. 

Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon y e 15. day 
of October ', 1641. $*c. 

Inp> : Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed 
upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard 
Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Bradford, Edward 
Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, 
John Aldon, & John Howland, w th Isaack Allerton, in a trade 
of beaver skines & other furrs arising in New-England ; the 
terme of which said partnership being expired, and diverse sumes 
of money in goods adventured into New-England by y e said 
James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and many 
large returnes made from New-England by y e said William 
Bradford, Ed: Winslow, &c. ; and differance arising aboute y e 
charge of 2. ships, the one called y e White Angele, of Bristow, 
and y e other y e Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended 



380 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

in her, &c. ; which said ships & their viages, y e said William 
Bradford, Ed: W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to 
their accounts of partnership ; and weras y e accounts of y e said 
partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley ap- 
peare (through y e defaulte of Josias Winslow, y e booke keeper) ; 
and weras y e said W. B. &c. have received all their goods for 
y e said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have made 
most of their returnes to him, by consente of y e said John Bea- 
champ & Richard Andrews ; and wheras also y e said James 
Sherley hath given power & authoritie to M r . John Atwode, 
with y e advice & consente of William Collier, of Duxborow, 
for and on his behalfe, to put such an absolute end to y e said 
partnership, with all and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, 
demands, whatsoever, to y e said James Sherley, John Beacham, 
& Richard Andrews, from y e said W. B. &c. for and concerning 
y e said beaver trade, & also y e charge y e said 2. ships, and their 
viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from y e 
worlds begining to this presente, as also for y e paimente of a 
purchas of 1800 H . made by Isaack Allerton, for and on y e behalfe 
of y e said W. B., Ed: W., &c, and of y e joynt stock, shares, 
lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, 
as apeareth by a deede bearing date y e 6. Nov br . 1627 ; and also 
for and from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are 
received by William Bradford, Tho : Prence, & Myles Standish, 
for y e recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, y e said 
James Sherly, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack 
Allerton, for y e ship caled y e White Angell. Now y e said John 
Attwode, with advice & counsell of y e said William Collier, 
having had much comunication & spente diverse days in agita- 
tion of all y e said differances & accounts with y e said W. B., 
E. W., &c. ; and y e said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with y e 
said book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering 
togeither y e remainder of y e stock of partnership for y e said trade, 
and what soever hath beene received, or is due by y e said attor- 
neyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, 
and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are weake 
and doubtfull [239] and desperate, as those y l are more secure, 
which in all doe amounte to y e sume of 1400 H . or ther aboute ; 
and for more full satisfaction of y e said James Sherley, John 
Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and all y e rest 
of y e abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias Winslow y e 



1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 381 

booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, y l within y e said 
sume of MOO* 1 , or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they 
knew, to y e utmost of their rememberance. 

In consideration of all which matters & things before ex- 
pressed, and to y e end y l a full, absolute, and finall end may be 
now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, and love & 
peace continued, it is therfore agreed and concluded betweene 
y e said John Attwode, with y e advice & consent of y e said 
William Colier, for & on y e behalfe of y e said James Sherley, to 
and with y e said W. B., &c. in maner and forme following: viz. 
that y e said John Attwode shall procure a sufficiente release 
and discharge, under y e hands & seals of y e said James Sherley, 
John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer & 
unconcealed unto y e said William Bradford, &c, their heires, 
executors, & administrators, & every of them shall be fully and 
absolutly aquited & discharged of all actions, suits, reconings, 
accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning y e gen- 
erall stock of beaver trade, paymente of y e said 1800 H . for y e 
purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or 
unjuste, concerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship 
aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by y e 
said William Bradford, of y e goods or estate of Isaack Allerton, 
for satisfaction of y e accounts of y e said ship called y e Whit 
Angele, by vertue of a Ire of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, 
& Myles Standish, directed from y e said James Sherley, John 
Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for y l purpose as afforesaid. 

It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said parties 
to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. shall now be 
bound in 2400 u . for paymente of 1200 K . in full satisfaction of all 
demands as afforesaid ; to be payed in maner & forme following ; 
that is to say, 400 K . within 2. months next after y e receite of the 
aforesaid releases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds 
wherof is allready in y e hands of John Winthrop senior of Bos- 
ton, Esquire, by the means of M r . Richard Andrews afforesaid, 
and 80 H . waight of beaver now deposited into y e hands of y e said 
John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of y e said 400 H . 
and y e other 800 H . to be payed by 200 H . p r aiiume, to such as- 
signes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or 
Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodities, and at such 
rates, as the countrie shall afford at y e time of delivery & pay- 
mente ; and in y e mean time y e said bond of 2400 H . to be de- 



382 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

posited into y e hands of y e said John Attwode. And it is agreed 
upon by & betweene y e said parties to these presents, that if 
y e said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said re- 
leases & discharges as afforesaid from y e said James Sherley, 
John Bachamp, & Richard Andrews, at or before y e last day of 
August next insuing y e date hear of, y l then y e said John Att- 
wode shall, at y e said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to 
[240] be delivered unto y e said W. B., E. W., &c. their said 
bond of 2400 H . and y e said 80 K . waight of beaver, or y e due valew 
therof, without any fraud or further delay ; and for performance 
of all & singuler y e covenants and agreements hearin contained 
and expressed, which on y e one parte and behalfe of y e said 
James Sherley are to be observed & performed, shall become 
bound in y e sume of 2400 H . to them, y e said William Bradford, 
Edward "Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William 
Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly 
agreed upon betweene y e said parties, that these presents shall 
be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in y e hands of M r . 
John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all y e 
said parties have hereunto severally sett their hands, y e day and 
year first above writen. 

John Atwode, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, &c. 

In y e presence of Edmond Freeman, 
William Thomas, 
William Pady, 
Nathaniell Souther. 

The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to 
some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a finall 
ende with all y e parties ; but thus much for y e presente. 

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how y e church 
here had invited and sent for M r . Charles Chansey,* a 
reverend, godly, and very larned man, intending upon 
triall to chose him pastor of y e church hear, for y e more 
comfortable performance of y e ministrie with M r . John Rei- 
nor, the teacher of y e same. But ther fell out some differ- 
ance aboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by 

* M r . Chancey came to them in y° year 1638. and staid till ye later part of 
this year 1641. 



1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 383 

diping, and putting y e whole body under water, and that 
sprinkling was unlawfull. The church yeelded that im- 
mersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this could coun- 
trie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not 
yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all y e churches 
of Christ doe for y e most parte use at this day) was un- 
lawfull, & an humane invention, as y e same was prest ; 
but they were willing to yeeld to him as far as y ey could, 
& to y e utmost ; and were contented to suffer him to prac- 
tise as he was perswaded ; and when he came to minister 
that ordnance, he might so doe it to any y l did desire it in 
y l way, provided he could peacably suffer M r . Reinor, and 
such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him, 
by sprinkling or powering on of water upon them ; so as 
ther might be no disturbance in y e church hereaboute. 
But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the 
church procured some other ministers to dispute y e pointe 
with him publikly ; as M r . Ealfe Partrich,* of Duxberie, 
who did it sundrie times, very ablie and sumcently, as 
allso some other ministers within this govermente. But 
he was not satisfied; so y e church sent to many other 
churches to crave their help and advise in [241] this 
mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his argu- 
ments writen under his owne hand. They sente them to 
y e church at Boston in y e Bay of Massachusets, to be 
comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent 
the same to y e churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, 
with sundrie others ; and received very able & sufficent 
answers, as they conceived, from them and their larned 



* Mr. Partridge was the first minis- gation, so afraid of being anything that 

ter of Duxbury. He was settled over looked like a bird wandering from his 

the church there in 1637. He arrived nest, that he remained with his poor 

at Boston, November 17, 1636. Mather people till he took wing to become a 

has honored him with a brief notice in bird of Paradise, along with the winged 

his Magnalia, and has exercised his seraphim of heaven." He died at a 

punning propensities upon his name, good old age, in 1658. See also Win- 

" M r . Partridge was, notwithstanding sor's Duxbury, pp. 171-178; Win- 

the paucity and poverty of his congre- throp, I. 205. — Ed. 



384 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe 
was not satisfied therw th . Their answers are too large 
hear to relate. They conceived y e church had done what 
was meete in y e thing, so M r . Chansey, having been y e 
most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, 
wher he now remaines a minister to y e church ther.* 
Also about these times, now y l catle & other things be- 
gane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons 
begane to fall into more straits, and many being allready 
gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, 
Marshfeeld, and other places, & those of y e cheefe sorte, 
as M r . Winslow, Captaine Standish, M r . Allden, and many 
other, & stille some dropping away daly, and some at 
this time, and many more unsetled, it did greatly weaken 
y e place, and by reason of y e straitnes and barrennes of y e 
place, it sett y e thoughts of many upon removeall ; as will 
appere more hereafter. 



Anno Dom\ 1642.-)* 

Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some 
kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a 
land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and 
so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it was 

* Mr. Chauncy was elected pastor Mr. Chauncy, and had it baptized 
of the church of Scituate in 1641, where there." In 1654, the Overseers of 
he remained till 1654. He still retained Harvard College offered Mr. Chauncy 
the views maintained at Plymouth on the Presidency of that institution, 
the subject of baptism. Winthrop, in which he accepted, and there remained 
1642, says: "Mr. Chauncy of Scituate till his death, in 1671-2. See ample 
persevered in his opinion of dipping in notices of him in Mather's Magnalia, 
baptism, and practised accordingly ; Book III. Chap. 23 ; Quincy's History 
first upon two of his own, which being of Harvard College, I. pp. 24, 27 ; 
in very cold weather, one of them Deane's Scituate, pp. 172- 179. — Ed. 
swooned away. Another, having a f The Assistants in the govern- 
child about three years old, feared it ment this year were Edward Wins- 
would be frightened (as others had low, Thomas Prence, William Collier, 
been, and one caught hold of Mr. Timothy Hatherly, John Brown, Wil- 
Chauncy, and had near pulled him into liam Thomas, and Edmond Freeman, 
the water). She brought her child to See Morton's Memorial, under this 
Boston, with letters testimonial from year. — Ed. 



1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 385 

knowne ; as in no place more, or so much, that I have 
known or heard of; insomuch as they have been some- 
what censured, even by moderate and good men, for 
I their severitie in punishments. And yet all this could 
not suppress y e breaking out of sundrie notorious sins, 
(as this year, besids other, gives us too many sad presi- 
dents and instances,) espetially drunkennes and unclain- 
nes ; not only incontinencie betweene persons unmaried, 
for which many both men & women have been punished 
sharply enough, but some maried persons allso. But that 
which is worse, even sodomie and bugerie, (things fear- 
full to name,) have broak forth in this land, oftener then 
once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and cause us to 
fear & tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures, 
which are so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, 
cannot by any other means but y e powerfull worke & 
grace of Gods spirite. But (besids this) one reason may 
be, that y e Divell may carrie a greater spite against the 
churches of Christ and y e gospell hear, by how much y e 
more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie 
amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary when 
it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that he 
might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon them in y e eyes 
of [y e ] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would 
rather thinke thus, then that Satane hath more power 
in these heathen lands, as som have thought, then in 
more Christian nations, espetially over Gods servants in 
them. 

2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this case 
as it is with waters when their streames are stopped or 
darned up, when they gett passage they flow with more 
violence, and make more noys and disturbance, then when 
they are suffered to rune quietly in their owne chanels. 
So wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws, 
and y e same more nerly looked unto, so as it cannot rune 
in a comone road of liberty as it would, and is inclined. 
49 



386 HISTORY OF [BOOK II, 

it searches every wher, and at last breaks out wrier it getts 
vente. 

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) 
is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many 
by proportion, as in other places ; but they are here more 
discoverd and seen, and made publick by due serch, in- 
quisition, and due punishment; for y e churches looke 
narrowly to their members, and y e magistrats over all, 
more strictly then in other places. Besids, here the 
people are but few in comparison of other places, which 
are full & populous, and lye hid, as it were, in a wood 
or thickett, and many horrible evills by y l means are never 
seen nor knowne; wheras hear, they are, as it were, 
brought into y e light, and set in y e plaine feeld, or rather 
on a hill, made conspicuous to y e veiw of all. 

But to proceede ; ther came a letter from y e Gov 1 * in y e 
Bay to them here, touching matters of y e forementioned 
nature, which because it may be usefull I shall hear re- 
late it, and y e passages ther aboute. 

S r : Having an opportunitie to signifie y e desires of our Gen- 
erall Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly 
take this occasion to imparte them to you, y l you may imparte 
them to y e rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, for 
counsell ; and give us your advise in them. The first is con- 
cerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes ; the perticuler 
cases, with y e circomstances, and y e questions ther upon, you 
have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning y e Ilanders at 
Aquidnett ; y l seeing the cheefest of them are gone from us, in 
offences, either to churches, or comone welth, or both; others 
are dependants on them, and y e best sorte are such as close 
with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only 
in a faction y l they are devided from us, but in very deed 
they rend them selves from all y e true churches of Christ, 
and, many of them, from all y e powers of majestracie. We 
have had some experience hereof by some of their under- 
worked, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst us,* 

* The persons here alluded to are doubtless Francis Hutchinson and Mr. 



I 



1642.] 



PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 



387 



and have made publick defiance against magistracie, minis- 
trie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as antichristian ; se- 
cretly also sowing y e seeds of Familisme, and Anabaptistrie, 
to y e infection of some, and danger of others ; so that we are 
not willing to joyne with them in any league or confederacie 
at all, but rather that you would consider & advise with us 
how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from being infected 
by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for y e main- 
tenance of y e trad of beaver ; if ther be not a company to order 
it in every jurisdition among y e English, which companies 
should agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that 
y e trade will be overthrowne, and y e Indeans will abuse us. For 
this cause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of 
incouragmente from you (as we have had) y l we may continue 
y e same.* Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my 
loving remembrance to your selfe, &c. 

Your loving friend, 
Boston, 28. (1.) 1642. Ri : Bellingham. 

The note inclosed follows on y e other side.*]* 



Collins, a son and son-in-law of the 
celebrated Mrs. Hutchinson who was 
banished from Massachusetts in the 
early part of the year 1638. They vis- 
ited Boston during the last year, where 
they were arrested, fined, and impris- 
oned ; and, proving refractory, they 
were finally " dismissed." In 1644, at 
the November session of the General 
Court, this colony passed a law, by 
which all wilful and obstinate opposers 
of the baptizers of infants should be 
banished. See the judicious note of 
Mr. Savage on this, in Winthrop, II. 
174. An excellent history of what is 
called the " Antinomian Controversy" 
in Massachusetts, is given by the Rev. 
G. E. Ellis, in a .Memoir of Mrs. Hutch- 
inson, in Sparks's American Biogra- 
phy. Winthrop and Weld were strong- 
ly opposed to this lady, and this should 
be borne in mind in reading their narra- 
tives relating to this subject. The au- 
thor of a book entitled A Glass for 
the People of New England, " By S. 
G[room]," who appears to have had 
some original minutes of the trial of 
Mrs. Hutchinson , and of Wheelwright's 
" seditious" sermon, is very severe upon 
the authorities of the colony for their 



treatment of these persons. See Win- 
throp, II. 38-40 ; Records of Massa- 
chusetts, II. 85. — Ed. 

* At the General Court, the June 
previous, " to prevent the great disorder 
in the beaver trade," the Massachusetts 
government farmed the trade in furs 
with the Indians to a few persons, for 
three years, who were " to give into 
the treasury the twentieth part of all 
the furs by them so traded." See 
Records of Mass., I. 322, 323. — Ed. 

f A leaf is here wanting in the origi- 
nal manuscript, it having been cut out. 
Prince has the following memorandum 
on a blank leaf at the commencement of 
the volume : " Page 243 missing when 
the book came into my hands at first." 
It will be remembered that the original 
narrative was written on one side only 
of the leaf. The folio wanting con- 
tained the questions inclosed by Gov- 
ernor Bellingham, with, probably, a re- 
cital of the occasion on which they 
arose, of which Winthrop gives a suf- 
ficiently minute account. If five or six 
more of the original folios following had 
shared the fate of the one now missing, 
no serious loss would have been sus- 
tained.— Ed. 






388 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

[244] Worthy & beloved S r : 

Your letter (with y e questions inclosed) I have comunicated 
with our Assistants, and we have refered y e answer of them to 
such Reve d Elders as are amongst us, some of whose answers 
thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their owne hands ; 
from y e rest we have not yet received any. Our farr distance 
hath bene y e reason of this long delay, as also y l they could not 
conferr their coun sells togeather. 

For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we 
rather desire light from your selves, & others, whom God hath 
better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in cases 
so difficulte and of so high a nature. Yet under correction, and 
submission to better judgments, we propose this one thing to 
your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, in y e case even 
of willfull murder, that though a man did smite or wound an 
other, with a full pourpose or desire to kill him, (w ch is mur- 
der in a high degree, before God,) yet if he did not dye, the 
magistrate was not to take away y e others life.* So by propor- 
tion in other grosse & foule sines, though high attempts & nere 
approaches to y e same be made, and such as in the sight & 
account of God may be as ill as y e accomplishmente of y e foul- 
est acts of y l sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe for y e 
magistrate to proceed to death ; we thinke, upon y e former 
grounds, rather he may not. As, for instance, in y e case of 
adultrie, (if it be admitted y l it is to be punished w th death, 
which to some of us is not cleare,) if y c body be not actually 
denied, then death is not to be inflicted. So in sodomie, & beas- 
tialitie, if ther be not penetration. Yet we confess foulnes of 
circomstances, and frequencie in y e same, doth make us remaine 
in y e darke, and desire further light from you, or any, as God 
shall give. 

As for y e 2. thing, concerning y e Ilanders ? we have no con- 
versing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or 
humanity may require. 

And as for trade ? we have as farr as we could ever therin 
held an orderly course, & have been sory to see y e spoyle therof 
by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or 
any other things which may concerne y e comone good, we shall 
be willing to advise & concure with you in what we may. 

* Exod: 21. 22. Deu : 19. 11. Num: 35. 16. 18. 



1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 389 

Thus w th my love remembered to your selfe, and y e rest of our 
worthy friends, your Assistants, I take leave, & rest, , 

Your loving friend, 

W. B. 
Plim : 17. 3. month, 1642. 

Now follows y e ministers answers. And first M r . Rey- 
nors. 

Qest: What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death, 
& what very facte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if y e fact 
it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concurring may 
make it capitall ? 

Ans: In y e judiciall law (y e moralitie wherof concerneth us) 
it is manyfest y l carnall knowledg of man, or lying w lh man, as 
with woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to be 
punished with death ; what els can be understood by Levit : 
18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen : 19. 5? 2*. It seems allso y* this foule 
sine might be capitall, though ther was not penitratio corporis, 
but only contactus & fricatio usq, ad effusionem seminis, for 
these reasons: [245] 1. Because it was sin to be punished with 
death, Levit. 20. 13. in y e man who was lyen withall, as well as 
in him y l lyeth with him; now his sin is not mitigated wher 
ther is not penitration, nor augmented wher it is ; wheras its 
charged upon y e women, y l they were guilty of this unnaturall 
sine, as well as men, Rom. 1. 26. 27. Y e same thing doth furder 
apeare, 2. because of y l proportion betwexte this sin & beas- 
tialitie, wherin if a woman did stand before, or aproach to, a 
beast, for y l end, to lye downe therto, (whether penetration was 
or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18. 23. & 20. 16. 3 ly . Because 
something els might be equivalent to penetration wher it had 
not been, viz. y e fore mentioned acts with frequencie and long 
continuance with a high hand, utterly extinguishing all light of 
nature ; besids, full intention and bould attempting of y e foulest 
acts may seeme to have been capitall here, as well as coming 
presumptuously to slay with guile was capitall. Exod : 21. 14. 

Yet it is not so manyfest y l y e same acts were to be punished 
with death in some other sines of uncleannes, w ch yet by y e law 
of God were capitall crimes ; besids other reasons, (1.) because 
sodomie, & also beastialitie, is more against y e light of nature 
then some other capitall crimes of unclainnes, which reason is 



390 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

to be attended unto, as y l which most of all made this sin capi- 
tall ; (2.) because it might be comited with more secrecie & less 
suspition, & therfore needed y e more to be restrained & sup- 
presed by y e law ; (3 ly ) because ther was not y e like reason & de- 
gree of sining against family & posteritie in this sin as in some 
other capitall sines of uncleannes. 

2. Quest : How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession 
from a delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, seeing 
Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum. 

Ans : A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente in- 
quision into y e cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. Pro : 24. 
11. 12. & 25. 2. (2 ] y.) If it be manifest y l a capitall crime is 
committed, & y l comone reporte, or probabilitie, suspition, or 
some complainte, (or y e like,) be of this or y l person, a magis- 
trate ought to require, and by all due means to procure from 
y e person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked confession of 
y e fact, as apears by y l which is morall & of perpetuall equitie, 
both in y e case of uncertaine murder, Deut: 21. 1. 9. and slan- 
der, Deut : 22. 13. 21 ; for though nemo tenetur prodere seipsum, 
yet by that w ch may be known to y e magistrat by y e forenamed 
means, he is bound thus to doe, or els he may betray his coun- 
trie & people to y e heavie displeasure of God, Levit : 18. 24. 25. 
Jos : 22. 18. Psa : 106. 30 ; such as are inocente to y e sinfull, 
base, cruell lasts of y e profane, & such as are delinquents, and 
others with them, into y e hands of y e stronger temptations, & 
more bouldness, & hardnes of harte, to comite more & worse 
villany, besids all y e guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe. 
(3 ly .) To inflicte some punishmente meerly for this reason, to 
extracte a conffession of a capitall crime, is contrary to y e nature 
of vindictive justice, which always hath respecte to a know 
crime comitited by y e person punished ; and it will therfore, for 
any thing which can before be knowne, be y e provocking and 
forcing of wrath, compared to y e wringing of y e nose, Pro: 30. 
33. which is as well forbiden y e fathers of y e countrie as of y e 
family, Ephe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous effects. 
That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose is no due means, 
hath been abundantly proved by y e godly learned, & is well 
known. 

Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other 
circomstances shall be sufficiente to convince ? or is ther no 
conviction without 2. witneses ? 



1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 391 

Ans : In taking away y e life of man, one witnes alone will 
not suffice, ther must be tow, or y l which is instar ; y e texts are 
manifest, Numb : 35. 30. Deut : 17. 6. & 19. 15. 2*. Ther may 
be conviction by one witnes, & some thing y l hath y c force of 
another, as y e evidencie of y e fact done by such an one, & not an 
other ; unforced confession when ther was no fear or danger of 
suffering for y e fact, hand writings acknowledged & confessed. 

John Reynor. 

M r . Partrich his writing, in ans : to y e questions. 

[246] What is y l sodomiticall acte which is to be punished 
with death ? 

Though I conceive probable y l a voluntary effusion of seed per 
modum concubitus of man with man, as of a man with woman, 
though in concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, is y l sin which 
is forbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be punished with death, 
Levit : 20. 13. because, though ther be not penetratio corporis, 
yet ther may be similitudo concubitus muliebris, which is y l the 
law specifieth ; yet I dar not be con-* (1.) because, Gen: 19. 5. 
y e intended acte of y e Sodomits (who were y e first noted maisters 
of this unnaturall act of more then brutish filthines) is expressed 
by carnall copulation of man with woman: Bring them out 
unto us, y l we may know them ; (2^.) because it is observed 
among y e nations wher this unnaturall unclainnes is comited, it 
is w lh penetration of y e body ; (3^.) because, in y e judiciall pro- 
ceedings of y e judges in England, y e indict : so rune (as I have 
been informed). 

Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a confession of a capi- 
tall crime from a suspected and an accused person ? 

Ans : I conceive y l a magistrate is bound, by carfull exame- 
nation of circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to sifte 
y e accused, and by force of argumente to draw him to an ac- 
knowledgment of y e truth ; but he may not extracte a confession 
of a capitall crime from a suspected person by any violent 
means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or by any punish- 
mente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted, for so he may draw 
forth an acknowledgmente of a crime from a fearfull inocente ; 
if guilty, he shall be compelled to be his owne accuser, when no 
other can, which is against y e rule of justice. 

* " Be confident "? — Ed. 



392 . HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other 
circomstances shall be sufficente to convicte ; or is ther no con- 
viction without two witnesses ? 

Ans : I conceive y l , in y e case of capitall crimes, ther can be 
no safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, as 
Numb : 35. 30. Deut : 19. 15. excepte ther can some evidence 
be prodused as aveilable & firme to prove y e facte as a witnes 
is, then one witnes may suffice ; for therin y e end and equitie of 
y e law is attained. But to proceede unto sentence of death upon 
presumptions, wher probably ther may subesse falsum, though 
ther be y e testimony of one wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe 
way ; better for such a one to be held in safe custodie for further 
triall. 

Ralph Partrich. 

The Answer of M r . Charles Chancy. 

An contactus et fricatio usq, ad seminis effusioem sine pene- 
tratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda? 

Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be punished 
w th death, & what very facte coinitted, (ipso facto,) is worthy of 
death, or if y e facte it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances 
concuring may make it capitall. The same question may be 
asked of rape, inceste, beastialitie, unnaturall sins, presumtuous 
sins. These be y e words of y e first question. 

Ans : The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God shall 
directe by his word & spirite) in these following conclusions : 
(1.) That y e judicials of Moyses, that are appendances to y e 
morall law, & grounded on y e law of nature, or y e decalogue, are 
imutable, and ppetuall, w ch all orthodox devines acknowledge ; 
see y e authors following. Luther, Tom. 1. Whitenberge : fol. 
435. & fol. 7. Melancthon, in loc : cum loco de conjugio. Cal- 
vin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4. sect. 15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 
29. & 30. Hen : Bulin : Decad. 3. sermo. 8. Wolf: Muscu. loc: 
com : in 6. precepti explicaci : Bucer de regno Christi, 1. 2. 
c. 17. Theo: Beza, vol: 1. de hereti: puniendis, fol. 154. 
Zanch: in 3. prsecept: Ursin : Pt. 4. explicat. contra John. 
Piscat : in Aphorismi Loc. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And more 
might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe their 
very words ; this being y e constante & generall oppinion of y e 
best devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true, though 
much more might be said to confirme it. 



! 1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 393 

2. That all y e sines mentioned in y e question were punished 
with death by y e judiciall law of Moyses, as adultry, Levit : 20. 
10. Deut: 22. 22. Esech : 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5. which is to be 
understood not only of double adultrie, when as both parties 
are maried, (as some conceive,) but whosoever (besids her hus- 
band) lyes with a married woman, whether y e man be maried 
or not, as in y e place, Deut : 22. 22. or whosoever, being a maried 
man, lyeth with another woman (besids his wife), as P. Martire 
saith, loc : com : which in diverce respects maks y e sine worse 
on y e maried mans parte ; for y e Lord in this law hath respect 
as well to publick honesty, (the sin being so prejudicall to y e 
church & state,) as y e private wrongs (saith Junious). So incest 
is to be punished with death, Levit : 20. 11. 22. Beastiality lik- 
wise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19. Raps in like maner, Deut: 
22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. And all 
presumptuous sins, Numb : 15. 30. 31. 

3. That y e punish mente of these foule sines w th death is 
grounded on y e law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall law. 
(1.) Because the reasons afiexed shew them to be perpetuall. 
Deut. 22. 22. So shalt thou put away evill. Incest, beastiality, 
are caled confusion, & wickednes. (2.) Infamie to y e whole hu- 
mane nature, Levit : 22. 12. Levit : 18. 23. Raps are as mur- 
der, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an abomination, Levit: 22. 22. 
[247] No holier & juster laws can be devised by any man or 
angele then have been by y e Judg of all y e world, the wisdome 
of y e Father, by Whom kings doe raigne, &c. (3.) Because, be- 
fore y e giving of y e Law, this punishmente was anciently prac- 
tised, Gen : 26. 11. 38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by 
y e very light of nature, as P. Martire shews. (4^.) Because y e 
land is defiled by such sins, and spews out y e inhabitants, Levit: 
18. 24, 25. & that in regard of those nations y l were not ac- 
quainted w th the law of Moyses. 4. All y e devins above speci- 
fied consent in this, that y e unclean acts punishable with death 
by y e law of God are not only y e grose acts of uncleannes by 
way of carnall copulation, but all y e evidente attempts therof, 
which may appeare by those severall words y 1 are used by y e 
spirite of God, expressing y e sins to be punished with death ; as 
y e discovering of nakednes, Levit : 18. 20. which is retegere pu- 
denda, as parts p r euphemismum (saith Junius), or detegere ad 
cubandum (saith Willett), to uncover y e shamefull parts of ye 

50 



394 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

body (saith Ainsworth), which, though it reaches to y e grose acts, 
yet it is plaine it doth comprehend y e other foregoing immodest 
attempts, as contactum, fricationem, &c. ; likwise y e phrase of 
lying with, so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copula- 
tion, but other obscene acts, p> r ceding y e same, is implyed in 
Pauls word dpo-evoKoirai, 1. Cor : 6. 9. & men lying with men, 1. 
Tim : 1. 9. men defiling them selves w th mankind, men burning 
with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18. 22. sodom! & 
sin going after strange flesh, Jud : v. 7. 8. and lying with man- 
kind as with a woman, Levit : 18. 22. Abulensis says y l it sig- 
nifies omnes modos quibus masculus masculo abutatur, chang- 
ing y e naturall use into y l which is against nature, Rom : 1. 26. 
arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well translats Levit : 20. 15. to 
give consente to lye withall, so approaching to a beast, & lying 
downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. ob solum conatu (saith Willett), or 
for going about to doe it. Add to this a notable speech of 
Zepperus de legibus (who hath enough to end controversies of 
this nature). L. 1. he saith : In crimine adulterii voluntas 
(understanding manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure atten- 
ditur ; and he proves it out of good laws, in these words : Solici- 
tatores alierium nuptiam itemq, matrimonium interpellatores, etsi 
effectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem tamen 
perniciosse libidinis extra ordinem puniuntur; nam generale est 
quidem afTectu" sine effectu [non] puniri, sed contrarium observa- 
tur in atrocioribus & horum similibus. 

5. In concluding punishments from y e judiciall law of Moyses 
y l is perpetuall, we must often p r ceed by analogical! proportion 
& interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore ad majus, &c. ; 
for ther will still fall out some cases, in every comone-wealth, 
which are not in so many words extante in holy write, yet y e 
substance of y e matter in every kind (I conceive under correc- 
tion) may be drawne and concluded out of y e scripture by good 
consequence of an equevalent nature ; as, for example, ther is 
no express law against destroying conception in y e wombe by 
potions, yet by anologie with Exod : 21. 22, 23. we may reason 
y l life is to be given for life. Againe, y e question, An contactus 
& fricatio, &c, and methinks y l place Gen : 38. 9. in y e punish- 
mente of Onans sin, may give some cleare light to it; it was 
(saith Pareus) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum par- 
ricidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam 



1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 395 

ihominem ex semine generandum occidere? Propterea juste a 
Deo occisus est. Observe his words. And againe, Discamus 
quantopere Deus abominetur omnem seminis genitalis abusum, 
illicita effusionem, & corruptione, &c, very pertinente to this case. 
That allso is considerable, Deut : 25. 11, 12. God comanded 
y l , if any wife drue nigh to deliver her husband out of y e hand 
of him y l smiteth him, &c, her hand should be cutt off. Yet 
such a woman in y l case might say much for her selfe, y l what 
she did was in trouble & perplexitie of her minde, & in her hus- 
bands defence ; yet her hand must be cutt of for such impuritie 
(and this is morall, as I conceive). Then we may reason from 
y e less to y e greater, what greevous sin in y e sight of God it is, 
by y e instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell, to proceede 
to contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis, &c, & y l 
contra naturam, or to attempte y e grosse acts of unnaturall filthi- 
nes. Againe, if y l unnaturall lusts of women with men, or wo- 
man with woman, or either with beasts, be to be punished with 
death, then a pari naturall lusts of men towards children under 
age are so to be punished. 

6. Circumstantial variant vis e actiunes,* (saith y e lawiers,) & 
circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all recked up ; 
but God hath given laws for those causes & cases that are of 
greatest momente, by which others are to be judged of, as in 
y e differance betwixte chanc medley, & willfull murder ; so in 
y e sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe an acte of unclean- 
nes by sudden temptation, & another to lye in waite for it, yea, 
to make a comune practise of it; this mightily augments & 
multiplies y e sin. Againe, some sines of this nature are simple, 
others compound, as y l is simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple 
sodomie ; but when ther is a mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as 
when adultery & sodomie & p r ditio seminis goe togeather in y e 
same acte of uncleannes, this is capitall, double, & trible. Againe, 
when adultrie or sodomie is comited by pfessors or church mem- 
bers, I fear it corns too near y e sine of preists daughters, forbid- 
den, & comanded to be punished, Levit: 21. 9. besids y e pre- 
sumption of y e sines of such. Againe, when uncleannes is 
comited with those whose chastity they are bound to p>serve, 
this corns very nere the incestious copulation, I feare ; but I 
must hasten to y e other questions. 

[248] 2. Question y e second, upon y e pointe of examination, 

* Perhaps " vim actionis " or " vitiu actionis." — Ed. 



396 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

how farr a magistrate may extracte a confession from a delin- 
quente to accuse him selfe in a capitall crime, seeing Nemo 
tenetur prodere seipsum. 

Ans: The words of the question may be understood of ex- 
tracting a confession from a delinquente either by oath or bodily 
tormente. If it be mente of extracting by requiring an oath, 
(ex officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall crimes, I fear it is 
not safe, nor warented by Gods word, to extracte a confession 
from a delinquente by an oath in matters of life and death. 
(1.) Because y e practise in y e Scripturs is other wise, as in y e 
case of Achan, Jos : 7. 19. Give, I pray y e , glorie to y e Lord God 
of Israll, and make a confession to him, & tell me how thou 
hast done. He did not compell him to sweare. So when as 
Johnathans life was indangered, 1. Sam. 14. 43. Saule said unto 
Johnathan, Tell me what thou hast done ; he did not require an 
oath. And notable is y l , Jer : 38. 14. Jeremiah was charged by 
Zedechias, who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not from 
me ; & Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto y e , wilt thou not 
surely put me to death ? impling y l , in case of death, he would 
have refused to answer him. (2.) Reason shews it, & expe- 
rience ; Job : 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It is to be feared y* those 
words (whatsoever a man hath) will comprehend also y e con- 
science of an oath, and y e fear of God, and all care of religion ; 
therfore for laying a snare before y e guiltie, I think it ought not 
to be donn. But now, if y e question be mente of inflicting 
bodyly torments to extracte a confession from a mallefactor, 
I conceive y l in maters of higest consequence, such as doe con- 
ceirne y e saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats may 
proceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, &c, to 
extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions are strounge ; 
but otherwise by no means. God sometims hids a sinner till 
his wickednes is filled up. 

Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes with 
other circumstances shall be sufficente to convicte, or is ther no 
conviction without 2. witneses ? 

Deut : 19. 25. God hath given an express rule y l in no case 
one witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in capitall 
cases. God would not put our lives into y e power of any one 
toungue. Besids, by y e examination of more wittneses agreeing 
or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly may be discovered ; but 
this is to be understood of one witnes of another ; but if a man 



16-12.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 397 

witnes against him selfe, his owne testimony is sufficente, as in 
y e case of y e Amalakite, 2. Sam: 1. 16. Againe, when ther are 
sure & certaine signes & evidences by circumstances, ther needs 
no witnes in this case, as in y e bussines of Adoniah desiring 
Abishage y e Shunamite to wife, that therby he might make way 
for him selfe unto y e kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24. Againe, 
probably by many concurring circumstances, if probability may 
have y e strength of a witnes, somthing may be this way gath- 
ered, me thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte y e true 
mother, and y e harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I see no cause 
why in waighty matters, in defecte of witneses & other proofes, 
we may not have recourse to a lott, as in y e case of Achan, 
Josu: 7. 16. which is a clearer way in such doubtfull cases (it 
being solemnely & religiously performed) then any other that I 
know, if it be made y e last refuge. But all this under correc- 
tion. 

The Lord in mercie directe & prosper y e desires of his servants 
that desire to walk before him in truth & righteousnes in the 
administration of justice, and give them wisdome and largnes 
of harte. 

Charles Channcy. 

Besids y e occation before mentioned in these writings 
concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they had aboute 
y e same time a case of buggerie fell out amongst them, 
which occasioned these questions, to which these answers 
have been made. 

And after y e time of y e writig of these things befell a 
very sadd accidente of the like foule nature in this gover- 
mente, this very year, which I shall now relate. Ther 
was a youth whose name was Thomas Granger ; he was 
servant to an honest man* of Duxbery, being aboute 16. 
or 17. years of age. (His father & mother lived at the 
same time at Sityate.) He was this year detected of bug- 
gery (and indicted for y e same) with a mare, a cowe, tow 
goats, five sheep, 2. calves, and a turkey. Horrible 
[249] it is to mention, but y e truth of y e historie requires 
it. He was first discovered by one y* accidentally saw his 

* Love Brewster.. Plymouth Colony Records. — Ed. 



398 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

lewd practise towards the mare. (I forbear perticulers.) 
Being upon it examined and comitted, in y e end he not 
only confest y e fact with that beast at that time, but sun- 
drie times before, and at severall times with all y e rest of 
y 9 forenamed in his indictmente ; and this his free-confes- 
sion was not only in private to y e magistrats, (though at 
first he strived to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers 
& others, and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to y e whole 
court & jury ; and confirmed it at his execution. And 
wheras some of y e sheep could not so well be knowne by 
his description of them, others with them were brought 
before him, and he declared which were they, and which 
were not. And accordingly he was cast by y e jury, and 
condemned, and after executed about y e 8. of Sept r , 1642. 
A very sade spectakle it was ; for first the mare, and then 
y e cowe, and y e rest of y e lesser catle, were kild before his 
face, according to y e law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him 
selfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a great 
& large pitte that was digged of purposs for them, and no 
use made of any part of them. 

Upon y e examenation of this person, and also of a for- 
mer that had made some sodomiticall attempts upon an- 
other, it being demanded of them how they came first to 
y e knowledge and practice of such wickednes, the one con- 
fessed he had long used it in old England ; and this youth 
last spoaken of said he was taught it by an other that had 
heard of such things from some in England when he was 
ther, and they kept catle togeather. By which it appears 
how one wicked person may infecte many ; and what care 
all ought to have what servants they bring into their 
families. 

But it may be demanded how it came to pass that so 
many wicked persons and profane people should so quick- 
ly come over into this land, & mixe them selves amongst 
them % seeing it was religious men y l begane y e work, and 
they came for religions sake. I confess this may be mar- 



1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 399 

veilled at, at least in time to come, when the reasons ther- 
of should not be knowne ; and y e more because here was 
so many hardships and wants mett withall. I shall ther- 
fore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first, 
according to y l in y e gospell, it is ever to be remembred 
that wher y e Lord begins to sow good seed, ther y e envious 
man will endeavore to sow tares. 2. Men being to come 
over into a wildernes, in which much labour & servise was 
to be done aboute building & planting, &c, such as wanted 
help in y l respecte, when they could not have such as y ey 
would, were glad to take such as they could ; and so, many 
untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus 
brought over, both men & women kind ; who, when their 
times were expired, became families of them selves, which 
gave increase hereunto. 3. An other and a maine reason 
hearof was, that men, rinding so many godly disposed per- 
sons willing to come into these parts, some begane to 
make a trade of it, to transeport passengers & their goods, 
and hired ships for that end ; and then, to make up their 
fraight and advance their profite, cared not who y e persons 
were, so they had money to pay them. And by this means 
the cuntrie became pestered with many unworthy persons, 
who, being come over, crept into one place or other. 
4. Againe, the Lords blesing usually following his people, 
as well in outward as spirituall things, (though afflictions 
be mixed withall,) doe make many to aclhear to y e people 
of God, as many followed Christ, for y e loaves sake, Iohn 
6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into y e willdernes with 
y e people of God out of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so 
allso ther were sente by their freinds some under hope 
y l they would be made better ; others that they might be 
eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at 
home y l would necessarily follow their dissolute courses. 
And thus, by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is 
a question whether y e greater part be not growne y e 
worser. 



400 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

[250] I am now come to y e conclusion of that long & 
tedious bussines betweene y e partners hear, & them in 
England, the which I shall manifest by their owne letters 
as folio we th, in such parts of them as are pertinente to y e 
same. 

M r . Sherleys to M\ Attwood. 

M r . Attwood, my approved loving freind : Your letter of 
y e 18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have 
taken a great deall of paines and care aboute y l troublesome 
bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners & freinds, & us hear, 
and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which complements & 
words are no reall satisfaction, &c. For y e agreemente you 
have made with M r . Bradford, M r . Winslow, & y e rest of y e 
partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I am per- 
swaded they have brought in an accounte of y e remaining stock, 
for my owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinke is M r . 
Andrewes, and I supose will be M r . Beachampe, if most of it 
might acrew to him, to whom y e least is due, &c. And now 
for peace sake, and to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, 
and to pass by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; 
I say this agreemente y l you have made is condesended unto, 
and M r . Andrews hath sent his release to M r . Winthrop, with 
such directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to 
trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in y e presence 
of M r . Weld, and M r . Peeters, and some others, and I have also 
sente you an other, for the partners ther, to seale to me ; for you 
must not deliver mine to them, excepte they seale & deliver one 
to. me ; this is fitt and equall, &c. 

Yours to comand in what I may or can, 

James Sherley. 

June 14. 1642. 

His to y e partners as followeth. 

Loving freinds, 

M r . Bradford, M r . Winslow, M r . Prence, Captaine Standish, 
M r . Brewster, M r . Alden, & M r . Howland, give me leave to 
joyne you all in one letter, concerning y e finall end & conclude 
of y l tedious & troublsome bussines, & I thinke I may truly say 



1 1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 401 

uncomfortable & unprofitable to all, &c. It hath pleased God 
now to put us upon a way to sease all suits, and disquieting of 
I our spirites, and to conclude with peace and love, as we began. 
I am contented to yeeld & make good what M r . Attwood and 
you have agreed upon ; and for y l end have sente to my loving 
freind, M r . Attwood, an absolute and generall release unto you 
all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write it 
your selves, & it shall be done, provided y l all you, either joyntly 
or severally, seale y e like discharge to me. And for y l end I 
have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to M r . Attwood, with y l I 
have sealed to you. M r . Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, 
& sent it to M r . Winthrop, whith such directions as he con- 
ceived fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 
544 H . unto y e gentlemen of y e Bay. Indeed, M r . Welld, M r . 
Peters, & M r . Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines 
with Mr. Andrews, M r . Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to 
agree, and to y l end we have had many meetings and spent 
much time aboute it. But as they are very religious & honest 
gentle-men, yet they had an end y l they drove at & laboured to 
accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for y e generall 
good of their patente). It had been very well you had sent 
one over. M r . Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of 
y e 1200 H . & y e Bay 2. thirds ; but then w r e 3. must have agreed 
togeather, which were a hard mater now. But M r . Weld, M r . 
Peters, & M r . Hibbens, & I, have agreed, they giving you bond 
(so to compose with M r . Beachamp, as) to procure his generall 
release, & free you from all trouble & charge y l he may put 
you too ; which indeed is nothing, for I am perswaded M r . 
Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to 
[251] him, which in some sorte is granted allready ; for though 
his demands be great, yet M r . Andrewes hath taken some paines 
in it, and makes it appear to be less then I thinke he will con- 
sents to give them for so good an use ; so you neede not fear, 
that for taking bond ther to save you harmles, you be safe and 
well. Now our accord is, y l you must pay to y e gentle-men of 
y e Bay 900 H . ; they are to bear all chargs y l may any way arise 
concerning y e free & absolute clearing of you from us three. 
And you to have y e other 300 K . &c. 

Upon y e receiving of my release from you, I will send you 
your bonds for y e purchass money. I would have sent them now, 
51 



402 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

but I would have M r . Beachamp release as well as I, because 
you are bound to him in them. Now I know if a man be bound 
to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released, and my dis- 
charge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not but you shall 
have them, & your comission, or any thing els that is fitt. Now 
you know ther is tow years of y e purchass money, that I would 
not owne, for I have formerley certified you y 1 I would but pay 
7. years ; but now you are discharged of all, &c. 

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, 

James Sherley. 
June 14. 1642. 



The coppy of his release is as followeth. 

Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have arisen 
& depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, 
Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John 
Allden, and John Howland, gent : now or latly inhabitants or 
resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on y e one party, 
and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th' 
other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable trade of 
beaver & other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as y e White 
Angell, Frindship, or others, and y e goods of Isaack Allerton 
which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made 
by y e said James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard 
Andrews, or any other maters concerning y e said trade, either 
hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or elsewher, all 
which differences are since by mediation of freinds composed, 
compremissed, and all y e said parties agreed. Now know all 
men by these presents, that I, the said James Sherley, in per- 
formance of y e said compremise & agreemente, have remised, 
released, and quite claimed, & doe by these presents remise, 
release, and for me, myne heires, executors, & Administrators, 
and for every of us, for ever quite claime unto y e said William 
Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, 
William Brewster, John Allden, & John Howland, and every of 
them, their & every of their heires, executors, and adminis- 
trators, all and all maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekon- 
ings, comissions, bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, 
claimes, challinges, differences, and demands whatsoever, with 



1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 403 

or against y e said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas 
Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and 
John Howland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time 
to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing 
whatsoever from y e begining of y e world untill y e day of y e date 
of these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my 
hand & seale, given y e second day of June, 1642, and in y e 
eighteenth year of y e raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, 
&c. 

James Sherley. 
Sealed and delivered 
in y e presence of Thomas Weld,* 

Hugh Peters, 

William Hibbins. 

Arthur Tirrey, Scr. 

Tho : Sturgs, his servante. 

M r . Andrews his discharg was to y e same effecte; he 
was by agreemete to have 500 H . of y e money, the which 
he gave to them in y e Bay,")* who brought his discharge 
and demanded y e money. And they tooke in his release 
and paid y e money according to agreemete, viz. one third 
of the 500 H . they paid downe in hand, and y e rest in 4. 
equall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave 

* Messrs. Weld, Peters, and Hibbins his 500/., to take bond, seal their dis- 

were sent to England in the early part charge, and take their discharge for 

of the last year, in the service of the Mr. Andrews " ; respecting which see 

Massachusetts colony. The latter re- further in Mass. Colony Records, Vol. 

turned in September of this year. The II. p. 39, under date of May, 1643. In 

others never returned. See Winthrop, 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 21, is a letter 

II. 24-26, 75, 76. — Ed. from Mr. Andrews, dated from Rotter- 

f By means of Messrs. Weld, Pe- dam, January, 1645, written to Governor 

ters, and Hibbins, says Winthrop, un- Winthrop, in reply to one from him of 

der date of August of this year, " Mr. two years before ; in which he makes 

Richard Andrews, an haberdasher in complaint of his inability to effect a 

Cheapside, London, a godly man, and settlement with the partners here. It is 

who had been a former benefactor to possible that this letter was penned un- 

this country, having 500 pounds due der a misapprehension based upon some 

to him from the Governor and company intimations in the letter of Winthrop, 

of Plymouth, gave it to this colony, to which may have been written before the 

be laid out in cattle, and other course of above settlement was effected. This 

trade, for the poor." At the General Richard Andrews, so long connected 

Court of Massachusetts in November with the colony of Plymouth, first as 

of this year, " Mr. Bellingham, Captain one of the adventurers and then as an 

Cooke, and Lieutenant Duncan were associate with the undertakers, was an 

appointed to go to New Plymouth, to alderman of London. See Savage's 

settle the business about Mr. Andrews Winthrop, II. 75. — Ed. 






404 HISTORY OF [BOOK II. 

their bonds. And wheras 44 K . was more demanded, they 
conceived they could take it of with M r . Andrews, and 
therfore it was not in the bonde. [252] But M r . Bea- 
champ would not parte with any of his, but demanded 
400 H . of y e partners here, & sent a release to a friend, to 
deliver it to them upon y e receite of y e money. But his 
relese was not perfecte, for he had left out some of y e 
partners names, with some other defects ; and besids, the 
other gave them to understand he had not near so much 
due. So no end was made with him till 4. years after ; 
of which in it plase * And in y l regard, that them selves 
did not agree, I shall inserte some part of M r . Andrews 
letter, by which he conceives y e partners here were 
wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to 
M r . Edmond Freeman,-j* brother in law to M r . Beachamp. 

M r . Freeman, 

My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified y e part- 
ners how I found M r . Beachamp & M r . Sherley, in their perticu- 
ler demands, which was according to mens principles, of getting 
what they could ; allthough y e one will not shew any accounte, 
and y e other a very unfaire and unjust one ; and both of them 
discouraged me from sending y e partners my accounte, M r . Bea- 
champ espetially. Their reason, I have cause to conceive, was, 
y l allthough I doe not, nor ever intended to, wrong y e partners 
or y e bussines, yet, if I gave no accounte, I might be esteemed 
as guiltie as they, in some degree at least ; and they might 
seeme to be y e more free from taxation in not delivering their 
accounts, who have both of them charged y e accounte with 
much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them w T ould 
likwise for much intrest he hath not paid forth, as appeareth 

* Governor Bradford makes no fur- f Edmund Freeman came over in 

ther mention of the settlement with the Abigail, in October, 1635, and soon 

Mr. Beauchamp, under the year indi- after settled in Sandwich. Two sons 

cated. It appears from the Old Colony and two daughters came with him. 

Records, that in 1645 the undertakers The sons, Edmund and John, married 

pledged their estates for security of a daughters of Governor Prence. See 

debt to him ; and in 1652, certain nouses Savage's Gleanings, in 3 Mass. Hist, 

and lands of theirs were sold for the Coll., VIII. 266 -268 ; Winthrop,1. 169, 

payment of the same. See Russell's 170 ; Davis's ed. of the Memorial, p. 

Guide to Plymouth, Appendix D. — Ed. 424 ; Winsor's Duxbury, p. 260. — Ed. 



1642.] PLYMOUTH